THE  GIFT  OF 

MAY  TREAT  MORRISON 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

ALEXANDER  F  MORRISON 


COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 


COMMON    S  E  N  ^ 

IN 

POLITICS 


BY 


JOB   E.  HEDGES 


NEW    YORK 
MOFFAT,  YARD  AND  COMPANY 

1910 


Copyright,  1910,  by 
JOB   E.  HEDGES 

All  Sights  Reserved 
Published  October,  1910 


THE    OUINN    4    BODEN    00.    PRESS 
RAHW»r,    N.    J. 


w 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER 

I.  The  Reason  for  This  Book 

II.  The  State  of  the  Nation  . 

III.  Some  Americanized  Traits 

IV.  Political    Parties,    Political    Or 

GANIZATIONS,   BOSSES,   PATRONAGE 

V.     Reform,  Reformers,  and  Remedial 
Legislation        .... 

VI.  The  Press  Agent 

VII.  Office  Seeking  and  Office  Hold 

ing 

VIII.  The  Press 

IX.  Law  and  Morals  .... 

X.  The  Public  and  Public  Opinion 

XL  Political   Corruption 

XII.  Political  Honesty 

XIII.  A  Final  Reflection  . 


PAGE 

3 

17 
49 

75 

107 
121 

133 
151 
165 
179 
205 
229 
237 


ft  <looc:^ 


DEDICATED 

TO  THE  MAN  WHO  DOES 

THE  BEST  HE  CAN,  AT  ALL  TIMES, 

WITHOUT  HYPOCRISY 

AND  REGARDLESS  OF  APPLAUSE 


THE    REASON    FOR    THIS    BOOK 


COMMON  SENSE   IN 
POLITICS 


THE   REASON   FOR   THIS    BOOK 

More  nonsense  has  been  written  and  orated 
on  the  subject  of  American  politics  during 
the  past  ten  years  than  in  any  decade  of 
the  nation's  history.  In  spite  of  this,  much 
progress  has  been  made.  Important  legisla- 
tion has  been  effected,  rights  protected,  rem- 
edies established,  and  a  general  betterment 
brought  about.  While  these  results  were 
being  accomplished  the  country  has  been 
treated  to  the  most  remarkable  outpouring 
of  heated  discussion,  denunciation,  and  dis- 
crediting of  motives  that  has  ever  been  in- 
dulged in  in  so  short  a  time. 

This  volume  is  not  intended  as  the  last 
word  on  any  of  the  topics  contained  between 
its  covers.  The  writer  or  speaker  who  claims 
to  have  presented  the  last  word  on  any  sub- 

3 


4  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ject  should  not  be  permitted  to  write  or  speak 
again.  Such  a  claim  implies  so  advanced  a 
case  of  egoism  that  it  is  an  affront  to  in- 
tellect. By  implication  it  even  invades  the 
domain  of  Providence  and  assumes  a  finality 
of  wisdom  which  is  hypocritical  and  astound- 
ing. 

Eliminating  the  claim  for  final  judg- 
ment, it  is,  however,  a  benefit  to  have  all 
political  questions  continually  discussed  by 
as  many  persons  as  may  be;  for  such  dis- 
cussion provokes  thought,  resultant  thinking 
leads  to  community  of  ideas,  and  that  com- 
munity of  ideas  represents  the  composite  of 
American  life.  If  the  mind  and  conscience 
of  the  entire  nation  or  of  a  state  are  not 
actively  brought  to  bear  on  all  public  ques- 
tions, the  body  politic  is  not  performing  its 
full  function.  It  is  as  if  a  portion  of  the 
human  body  had  become  paralyzed  from  mis- 
use or  disuse  and  the  remaining  parts  kept 
up  the  appearance  of  normal  action. 

Within  the  limitations  of  constitutions, 
statutes  and  judicial  decisions,  the  expressed 
will  of  the  majority  is,  or  becomes,  the  law 
of  the  land  and,  therefore,  the  standard  of 
political  conduct  until  changed  by  further 
legislative  enactment.  In  this  interim  there 
is  a  constant  discussion  of  ways  and  means 


THE  REASON  FOR  THIS  BOOK     5 

for  progress.  The  careful  study  of  condi- 
tions and  the  thoroughness  of  that  discussion 
is  the  test  of  the  degree  of  progress  attained. 
Less  harm  arises  from  illogical  deductions 
drawn  from  actual  facts  than  from  logical 
deductions  drawn  from  assumed  facts  that 
are  not  true.  The  former  will  right  them- 
selves in  time;  the  latter  serve  only  as  a 
rhetorical  relief  and  can  never  result  in  a 
condition  of  permanency.  The  first  is  prac- 
tice, the  second  is  theory.  The  attitude  of 
mind  is  quite  as  important  in  discussion  as 
the  conclusions  sought  to  be  established. 

Any  man  in  this  country  has  a  perfect 
right  to  his  own  conclusions.  Such  right 
comes  directly  from  his  actual  devotion  in 
principle  and  conduct  toward  his  fellow-man, 
individually  or  in  community,  and  not  from 
his  own  personally  admitted  virtues.  The 
main  purpose  of  this  volume  is  to  attempt  to 
change  the  public  point  of  view  while  sub- 
jects of  general  import  are  under  discussion, 
and  to  protest  against  that  hypocrisy  of  view, 
argument,  and  conduct  which  has  of  recent 
years  crept  into  public  affairs.  It  is  not 
sought  to  establish  any  particular  theory,  or 
to  destroy  any  maintained  theory.  There  is 
no  intent  to  reflect  on  any  individual,  di- 
rectly or  by  innuendo,  but  rather  to  look  at 


6  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

conditions,  men  and  human  nature  as  they 
are,  leaving  the  result  to  the  good  judg- 
ment and  conclusions  of  the  people  them- 
selves. 

To  anticipate  possible  comment  and,  so  to 
speak,  give  rebuttal  in  advance,  the  author 
has  no  spleen  to  vent,  no  broken  word  to 
punish,  no  unsatisfied  ambition  to  vindicate, 
no  axe  to  grind  for  use  or  display,  no  per- 
sonal end  to  accomplish.  The  author  hates 
hypocrisy,  selfishness  and  vanity  in  high  or 
low  place,  in  officialdom  or  without  it,  and  be- 
lieves that  most  of  the  troubles  charged  to 
the  nation  are  directly  traceable  to  those 
characteristics  in  individuals. 

It  is  a  tremendous  responsibility  for  any 
human  being  to  say  to  another  that  that  other 
is  morally  wrong.  This  implies  a  right  of 
final  judgment  on  morals  which  is  not  only 
unauthorized,  but  presumptuous  in  the  last 
degree.  For  one  person  to  say  that  the  con- 
clusions of  another  are  erroneous  because  de- 
ductions are  not  logically  drawn,  or  that  they 
have  been  drawn  from  false  premises,  or 
that  some  essential  element  has  been  left  out 
of  the  problem,  all  these  are  proper  forms 
of  discussion  and  tend  to  lead  to  a  common 
judgment.  Believing  this,  the  author  cannot 
consistently,  and  would  not  voluntarily  at- 


THE  REASON  FOR  THIS  BOOK     7 

tempt  to  state  that  anyone  else  is  morally 
wrong  on  any  subject.  He  is  willing  to  state 
that  anyone  is  morally  wrong,  however,  who 
believes  that  all  who  differ  with  him  are 
morally  wrong.  The  assertion  of  the  pos- 
session of  virtue  does  not  prove  it,  nor  does 
the  charge  of  immorality  in  another  prove 
itself  without  evidence.  Logic  is  a  valuable 
and  desirable  process  for  the  mind,  but  when 
human  life  is  reduced  to  logic  and  the  ele- 
ment of  human  nature,  human  frailties,  hu- 
man sentiments  are  eliminated,  the  conclu- 
sion is  apt  to  be  as  useless  to  the  person  who 
draws  it  as  to  the  person  upon  whom  it  is 
sought  to  be  imposed.  A  syllogism  can  never 
take  the  place  of  a  human  heart  beat.  There 
is,  therefore,  no  use  in  discussing  human 
actions,  real  or  desired,  if  from  the  discus- 
sion there  are  eliminated  the  actual,  normal, 
everyday  characteristics  of  life  which  govern 
men  in  their  relationship  to  each  other.  It 
may  be  that  many  motives  of  men  are  not 
what  they  should  be.  It  may  well  be  that 
men  have  different  standards  morally  and  in- 
tellectually. Living,  however,  with  the  guid- 
ance and  restriction  of  law,  that  man  is  the 
best  aid  to  the  community  who  keeps  his  ear 
close  to  the  human  heart,  counts  its  beats, 
lives  within  the  knowledge  of  human  frailties, 


8  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

appreciates  them,  and  endeavors  to  alleviate 
them  by  personal  conduct  as  well  as  by  di- 
dactic methods. 

It  would  not  have  been  inconsistent  to  have 
entitled  this  small  volume  "  Political  Psy- 
chology. "  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  writer 
to  indulge  in  didactics  or  polemics,  but  merely 
to  describe  things  as  they  are  in  a  particular 
field  of  activity,  and  by  that  description 
arouse  a  different  attitude  of  mind,  so  that 
more  normal  conclusions  may  be  reached. 

It  is  a  waste  of  time  to  enact  laws  to  gov- 
ern the  conduct  of  men  if  these  laws  are 
based  on  the  assumption  that  the  men  to  be 
affected  are  what  they  ought  to  be  rather 
than  what  they  are.  The  wisest  plan  is  to 
study  human  nature  as  it  exists,  to  endeavor 
to  uplift  it,  to  legislate  for  actual  conditions, 
and  not  to  put  upon  the  statute  books  any 
law  which  does  not  reflect  the  real  consensus 
of  public  opinion.  Any  other  course  results 
only  in  the  exploitation  of  the  advocates  of 
the  measure  and,  later,  in  its  infraction, 
which  harms  the  public. 

During  the  mediaeval  ages  and  the  period 
following  the  Reformation  thousands  of  per- 
sons were  put  to  death  because  charged  with 
practicing  magic  and  witchcraft.  It  was  held 
that  anyone  who  indulged  in  such  practices 


THE  REASON  FOR  THIS  BOOK     9 

violated  the  law  of  God  and  man.  A  belief 
in  witchcraft  and  magic  was  prevalent  in  the 
public  mind.  Prosecution  did  not  diminish 
the  alleged  practice  nor  lessen  the  belief. 
Putting  to  death  merely  accentuated  the 
whole  situation.  The  thundering  of  the  pul- 
pit, Catholic  and  Protestant,  and  the  com- 
bined efforts  of  civil  authorities  were  im- 
potent to  prevent  these  practices.  They  only 
ceased  when  a  few  wise  men  stated  flatfoot- 
edly  that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  prac- 
ticing magic  or  witchcraft,  because  there  was 
no  such  thing  as  magic  or  witchcraft.  And 
then  it  was  all  over.  It  was  thus  discovered 
that  the  mistake  was  in  prosecuting  men  who 
were  acting  under  a  misconception,  and  in 
admitting  that  they  did  that  which  as  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  they  could  not  do,  and  then  punish- 
ing them  for  it.  Some  of  the  tendencies  in 
modern  legislation  bear  a  strong  resemblance 
to  mediaeval  methods. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has 
been  interpreted  down  to  a  comma,  as  have 
the  constitutions  of  all  the  states.  Our 
theory  of  government  has  been  analyzed,  dis- 
sected, and  offered  to  the  public  as  a  political 
clinic.  The  realms  of  rhetoric  and  logic  have 
been  invaded  and  their  choicest  products  of- 
fered to  the  general  public  quite  as  much 


10  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

for  the  purpose  of  the  resultant  applause  of 
the  author  as  for  the  benefit  of  the  public 
itself.  Leading  statesmen  wonder  why  it  is 
that  other  people  do  not  all  agree  with  them, 
and  have  felt  sorrow  for  the  other  people  be- 
cause they  did  not  see  the  light.  They  have 
simply  overlooked  one  point  and  that  the 
only  one  of  any  value — human  nature.  The 
actual  fact  is  that  the  system  of  government 
formed  here  after  centuries  of  previous  ex- 
perience is  destined  to  stand. 

It  is  possible  from  an  airship  to  see  human 
beings  standing  on  the  earth.  It  is  natural 
for  the  person  in  the  airship  to  expect  the 
admiration  of  the  person  on  the  earth.  But 
if  the  man  in  the  airship  expects  to  induce 
the  man  standing  on  terra  firma  to  agree 
to  a  certain  course  of  conduct  affecting  them 
both,  it  is  desirable  to  have  the  airship  come 
to  earth  and  its  occupant  at  least  indulge  in 
conversation  with  the  other  man.  There  is 
little  use  in  preaching  to  an  uncouth  person 
without  means  that  cleanliness  is  next  to 
godliness.  The  most  practical  plan  is  to  find 
out  if  such  person  really  is  without  means, 
then  preach  the  doctrine  to  him,  at  the  same 
time  giving  him  the  price  of  a  bath.  When 
a  person  is  suffering  the  pangs  of  hunger 
it  is  better  to  give  him  food  than  to  describe 


THE  REASON  FOR  THIS  BOOK    11 

the  troubles  consequent  upon  indigestion.  It 
is  absolutely  devastating  to  human  reason  to 
preach  the  doctrine  of  prohibition  when  the 
preacher's  breath  is  redolent  with  the  odor 
of  whiskey. 

Political  aphorisms  minus  conduct  are 
merely  intellectual  exercise.  To  do  the 
best  one  can  and  then  advise  others  to 
do  the  best  they  can  is  consistent,  logical, 
human.  It  apparently  seems  necessary  for 
those  in  high  authority  to  declare  continu- 
ously what  is  right  and  what  is  wrong  in 
political  conduct.  There  is  no  objection  to 
this  if  it  is  for  the  purpose  only  of  forcing 
people  to  think  upon  these  topics.  When, 
however,  it  is  assumed  that  an  oath  of  office 
is  the  line  of  demarcation  between  intelli- 
gence and  ignorance,  political  righteousness 
and  political  unrighteousness,  such  an  as- 
sumption is  pathetic.  If  the  condition  of  en- 
listment in  the  service  of  the  State  is  that 
the  enlisted  man  shall  always  wear  the  pa- 
rade uniform  of  an  officer  and  be  within  the 
hearing  of  the  band  and  be  the  first  and  only 
recipient  of  applause,  the  value  of  such  en- 
listment to  the  State  is  not  worth  the  paper 
on  which  the  application  is  made. 

The  hope  of  these  pages  is  to  dispel  some 
silly  ideas  of  general  acceptance,  the  discus- 


12         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

sion  of  which  has  been  fruitful  only  in  rhe- 
torical results.  It  is  better  far  to  lead  a  life 
of  virtue  and  influence  without  public  dis- 
covery than  to  be  unexpectedly  discovered 
and  be  continuously  nervous  lest  the  pub- 
lic learn  of  conscious  defects.  It  is  better 
for  a  man  to  be  what  he  claims  to  be 
than  to  have  people  think  he  is  what  he  is 
not. 

Under  actual  political  conditions  to-day 
there  is  a  wide  abyss  between  the  knowledge 
of  facts  possessed  by  the  occupant  of  public 
office  and  by  the  unofficial  citizen.  The  visible 
standards  of  consistency  of  the  public  official 
who  claims  to  be  a  teacher  cannot  be  accu- 
rately judged  by  the  average  man.  While 
charges  of  inconsistency,  maladministration 
and  graft  are  occupying  public  attention,  it 
may  be  pertinent  to  remark  that  the  political 
crime  of  the  present  decade  is  not  larceny 
but  hypocrisy. 

This  intendedly  modest  volume  frankly  ad- 
mits the  continuing  force  of  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments, and  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  of  each  separate  state  di- 
vides the  government  into  three  parts,  execu- 
tive, legislative,  and  judicial.  Without  the 
slightest  inclination  toward  irreverence,  it  is 
not  necessary  to  rediscover  the  Ten  Com- 


THE  REASON  FOR  THIS  BOOK    13 

mandments,  and  it  is  safe  to  assume  by  this 
time  that  people  generally  are  sufficiently  in- 
formed of  the  fact  that  there  are  three  ele- 
mental parts  to  our  system  of  government. 


THE   STATE  OF   THE   NATION 


II 

THE   STATE   OF   THE   NATION 

The  life  of  the  nation  is  not  in  peril  of 
immediate  dissolution. 

Its  political  and  moral  health  is  liable  at 
all  times  to  be  exposed  to  the  contagion  of 
corruption,  evils  in  legislation,  civic  indif- 
ference, financial  panic,  contentions  of  self- 
ish interests,  unnecessary  strife  between 
labor  and  capital,  revolts  against  established 
authority,  socialistic  upheavals,  and  tempo- 
rary relaxations  of  strict  standards  of  morals 
in  political  and  social  life.  Whatever  may 
be  the  cause,  and  whether  chargeable  to  in- 
herent defects  in  our  theory  of  government, 
many  of  these  conditions  have  afflicted  the 
body  politic  within  recent  memory.  Doubt- 
less none  of  these  is  entirely  due  to  any 
one  particular  cause.  They  are  a  result 
of  a  variety  of  causes,  and  each  student 
of  affairs  is  apt  to  ascribe  these  condi- 
tions to  that  particular  cause  nearest  to 
his  individual  experience.  Without  refer- 
ence to  any  specific  question  at  issue,  one 

17 


18         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

reason  rests  in  the  fact  of  the  great  difficulty, 
if  not  impossibility,  of  having  all  the  people 
of  the  entire  country  think  upon  the  same 
subject  at  the  same  time.  The  geographical 
extent  of  the  country  permits  of  the  widest 
difference  in  physical  and  climatic  conditions. 
This  necessarily  causes  equally  great  differ- 
ences socially  and  commercially.  In  Europe 
there  are  contiguous  nations,  with  differences 
in  language  and  habits,  which  present  types 
no  more  strongly  differentiated  than  those  to 
be  found  in  the  various  states  of  the  United 
States.  In  the  states  where  these  differ- 
ences appear,  legislation  is  passed  which 
meets  the  requirements  of  those  particular 
localities.  For  instance,  in  a  mining  state 
in  the  West  there  is  an  entirely  different 
plan  of  legislation  from  that  which  prevails 
in  a  manufacturing  Eastern  state.  These 
local  laws  tend  to  create  different  political 
conditions. 

The  number  of  Federal  questions  of 
recent  years  have  been  reasonably  limited 
and  confined  to  the  tariff,  finance,  inter- 
nal improvements,  foreign  relations,  and 
such  typical  topics.  The  expansion  of  busi- 
ness, by  its  increasing  size  forced  into 
the  form  of  corporations  and  extending 
from   each   state   into   almost    every   other 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  19 

state,  has  emphasized  the  necessity  for  exer- 
cising Federal  authority  under  the  Constitu- 
tion in  the  matter  of  inter-state  commerce. 
That  authority  was  always  in  the  Constitu- 
tion, but  the  great  necessity  for  its  exercise 
has  been  of  recent  years.     Commercial  de- 
velopment   has    affected    social    conditions; 
large  fortunes  have  accentuated  social  differ- 
ences.   So  many  new  situations  in  life  have 
been  established  through  the  development  of 
the  country  that  there  is  a  continuous  cry  for 
legislation    to    straighten    out    inequalities. 
Many  of  these  inequalities  would  straighten 
themselves  out  if  left  to  the  evolution  of  ex- 
perience.   Others  are  frequently  of  a  tempo- 
rary nature  and  would  pass  away  of  them- 
selves in  the  course  of  time.     State  legis- 
latures are  overworked  and  the  demand  for 
law  has  spread  to  the  national  capital.    The 
conditions   described   above    resulting   from 
the  neglect  of  the  plainest  laws  of  political 
hygiene  are  no  more  astonishing  than  the 
result  of  ill-health  consequent  upon  a  viola- 
tion of  the  plainest  rules   for  the  care  of 
the  human  body.    The  analogy  is  not  exact, 
but  serves  the  purpose  of  illustration.    The 
results,  in  a  measure,  are  the  same,  because 
there  is  always  the  civic  doctor  with  quack 
medicines  guaranteeing  an  immediate  cure, 


20         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

as  there  is  the  physician  who  can  remedy  a 
bodily  ill  by  a  patent  nostrum  with  which  his 
own  name  is  intimately  associated.  Pneu- 
monia was  a  disease  much  more  to  be  dreaded 
in  years  past,  before  the  advance  of  science, 
than  it  is  now,  when,  if  treated  in  time,  it 
can  by  medical  skill  be  freed  from  fatal  re- 
sults. The  advance  of  science,  however,  does 
not  justify  carelessness  in  habits  nor  war- 
rant exposure.  The  prosaic  and  somewhat 
uncomfortable  and  old-fashioned  habit  of 
wearing  rubbers  to  prevent  catching  cold, 
while  annoying,  may  prevent  the  necessity  of 
recourse  to  advanced  science  and  save  life 
without  the  expense  of  professional  care.  In 
legislation  less  exposure  and  more  care  would 
accomplish  the  same  result.  It  takes  but 
casual  observation  to  discover  from  the  pub- 
lic prints,  the  platform  declarations  of  politi- 
cal parties  and  the  opinions  of  political  lead- 
ers that  the  nation,  or  a  state,  as  the  case 
may  be,  is  in  greatest  danger  during  and 
immediately  preceding  a  political  campaign. 
A  well-organized  imagination,  supplementing 
facts  and  working  overtime,  causes  its  pos- 
sessor to  see  not  only  many  things  that  are, 
but  more  that  are  not.  During  the  time  of 
warmest  discussion  at  the  periods  mentioned 
the  Republic  is  usually  hung  over  the  brink 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  21 

of  the  abyss  of  despair.    The  candidate,  with 
his  accompanying  galaxy  of  political  orators, 
is  absolutely  positive  that  the  only  way  to 
prevent  the  nation  from  falling  into  the  abyss 
is   to  permit  his  party,  led  by  himself,  to 
retain  or  be  given  a  firm  hold,  so  that  he 
can  draw  it  back  and  place  it  in  a  position 
of  safety  upon  the  banks  of  the  Constitution. 
Such  is  the  essence  of  the  opposition  argu- 
ment.   There  is  added  to  this  the  charge  that 
the  administration  party  since  the  last  cam- 
paign has  dealt  foul  blows  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  that  that  sacred  institution  is  in 
the  throes  of  agony.    The  administration  ar- 
gument differs  in  shade  and  not  in  color.    It 
announces  with  equal  positiveness  that,  hav- 
ing conducted  the  government  during  a  period 
of  time  without  unsuccessful  foreign  war  or 
prolonged  domestic  disturbances  it  is  better 
qualified  than  the  opposition  to  continue  its 
administration  by  virtue  of  exclusive  intelli- 
gence and  practical  experience.    Somewhere 
between  these  extremes  is  a  region  of  com- 
mon sense.    In  any  event,  it  is  a  matter  of 
unchanging  observation  that  the  nation  is  al- 
ways saved  at  the  conclusion  of  a  national 
campaign. 

What  the  contending  parties  really  mean 
is,  that  they  view  the  questions  at  issue  as 


22         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

very  serious,  and  an  intense  form  of  expres- 
sion is  used  to  fix  the  attention  of  the  voters. 
There  is  some  excuse  for  this  method  of  pro- 
cedure, because  only  once  in  four  years  is 
the  entire  country  engaged  in  discussing  na- 
tional questions  nationally.  During  the  in- 
tervening time  it  discusses  national  questions 
in  the  light  of  their  effect  on  particular  locali- 
ties. It  is  impossible  to  overestimate  the 
value  to  the  nation  of  a  presidential  cam- 
paign. The  fact  that  it  somewhat  tempo- 
rarily interferes  with  speculative  business 
and  causes  doubt  as  to  the  policy  of  the  next 
administration  weighs  not  at  all  in  the  scale 
against  education. 

There  is  not  the  slightest  excuse  for  being 
pessimistic  about  American  government. 
There  is  every  reason  at  all  times  to  be  solici- 
tous, interested,  and  desirous  to  improve 
existing  conditions.  The  real  safety  of  the 
Republic  is  in  that  calm  judgment  by  plain- 
minded  men,  who,  after  hearing  and  reading 
the  speakers  and  writers  on  both  sides,  form 
their  conclusions  in  accordance  with  what 
they  feel  is  best.  Error  in  judgment  on  the 
part  of  a  voter  is  more  apt  to  occur  when  the 
only  attention  he  gives  to  public  events  is 
during  the  heated  time  between  nominations 
and  elections. 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  23 

These  suggestions  are  not  intended  to  fur- 
nish the  slightest  excuse  for  pessimism.  No 
one  should  be  a  pessimist  who  can  read, 
write,  and  remember.  The  intellect  incapable 
of  appreciating  that  men  and  governments 
are  better  than  they  were,  and  are  becoming 
better  daily,  is  suffering  from  the  vanity  of 
introspection. 

On  the  other  hand,  optimism  unaccom- 
panied by  personal  effort,  is  merely  a  state 
of  mind  and  not  fruitful. 

American  citizenship  rises  to  its  greatest 
height  during  war  or  threats  of  war.  The 
nation  is  then  civically  at  its  best.  This  may 
be  accepted  as  a  fact  already  demonstrated. 
It  stands  in  great  contrast  to  the  indifference 
of  many  citizens  to  the  country's  welfare  in 
time  of  peace.  It  would  be  a  rare  condition 
which  would  enable  the  President  and  Con- 
gress to  lead  the  American  people  into  a  war 
of  aggression  and  conquest.  Up  to  a  certain 
point  the  people  might  follow,  and  then  the 
policy  of  the  administration,  except  in  the 
case  of  a  national  insult  that  even  a  child 
would  resent,  would  be  reversed  at  the  polls. 
On  the  defensive  the  nation  would  go  to  any 
point  of  sacrifice.  It  does  not  follow  that, 
as  a  matter  of  common  sense,  we  should  not 
be  prepared  for  war,  but  we  should  not  com- 


24  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

pete  as  a  matter  of  pride  in  army  and  navy 
equipment  with  other  nations  between  which 
conditions  are  entirely  different  than  they 
are  relative  to  us  or  we  to  them. 

The  most  threatening  danger  to  the  stabil- 
ity of  the  Eepublic  is  from  within,  in  times 
of  peace,  and  predicated  on  its  vast  popula- 
tion and  varied  interests,  distracting  atten- 
tion from  government  and  making  united 
action  difficult.  The  fundamental  force  and 
cohesive  strength  of  our  constitutions  and 
laws,  powerful  as  they  may  be,  are  not  more 
powerful  than  a  common  sentiment  running 
through  the  entire  body  politic.  As  the  na- 
tion increases  in  population  and  with  the  in- 
tense occupation  of  people  with  their  own 
affairs,  and  the  lack  of  opportunity  for  asso- 
ciation one  with  another,  cohesion  in  senti- 
ment will  be  increasingly  difficult.  The  prob- 
lem will  still  be  to  get  all  the  people  to  think 
about  the  same  subject  at  the  same  time. 
That  statesman  is  the  greatest  who  can  effect 
this.  His  further  greatness  will  be  demon- 
strated by  allowing  the  people  to  come  to 
their  own  conclusions  without  insisting  that 
he  be  followed  in  some  exclusive  line  of  rea- 
soning. If  in  addition  to  arousing  the  public 
mind  to  thought  upon  any  particular  subject 
he  draws  the  conclusion  that  his  view  is  the 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  25 

only  view  in  which  safety  lies,  this  makes 
two  divisions  of  the  public  mind;  one  his  own, 
and  the  other  all  the  rest  together.  The  ma- 
jority would  be  entitled  to  rule.  It  some- 
times happens  that  one  man  knows  more  than 
two  or  three  men  know;  it  has  frequently 
happened  that  a  single  man  was  wiser  than 
a  score  or  a  hundred  men.  It  has  never  yet 
happened  that  any  one  man  knew  more  than 
all  the  rest  put  together.  Therefore,  if  any 
statesman  assumes  that  he  is  infallibly  right 
and  all  the  rest  entirely  wrong,  it  forces  the 
conclusion  that  the  average  intelligence  of 
the  rest  is  at  lowest  ebb. 

Instead  of  being  solicitous  as  to  the  sta- 
bility of  the  government,  the  average  citizen 
takes  that  stability  for  granted,  if  one  can 
judge  from  the  fact  that  such  citizen  par- 
ticipates so  little  in  any  of  its  functions.  It 
is  frequently  charged  that  the  American  peo- 
ple are  ephemeral,  emotional,  and  spasmodic. 
This  may  be  true  in  our  dealings  with  each 
other,  but  not  in  our  dealings  with  other 
nations.  In  the  latter  case  judgment  is  more 
deliberate  and  sounder.  In  any  case  it  must 
be  considered  sound  politically  if  it  repre- 
sents the  expressed  will  of  an  actual  majority 
of  those  who  have  a  right  to  express  a  politi- 
cal opinion. 


26         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

In  the  time  preceding  the  Spanish  War  the 
imminence  of  that  contest  was  appreciated  by 
a  small  fraction  of  the  American  people.  Had 
the  majority  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  appreciated  the  absolute  unprepared- 
ness  of  their  own  government  for  any  kind 
of  a  conflict  with  another  nation,  even  with 
one  of  the  limited  fighting  force  of  Spain, 
their  indignation  would  have  turned  from 
Spain  against  their  own  administration. 
They  would  have  been  unmindful  of  the  fact 
that  their  own  indifference  to  great  questions 
had  left  the  government  in  that  very  condi- 
tion of  unpreparedness. 

After  war  was  declared  interest  was 
aroused  gradually,  although  it  was  only  in- 
tense along  the  coast  frontage.  In  New  York 
City,  in  places  of  amusement  the  entertain- 
ment was  opened  by  the  orchestra  playing 
' '  America, ' '  the  audience  standing ;  and  later 
the  audience  was  dismissed  to  the  strains  of 
the  "  Star  Spangled  Banner."  Within  a 
week  after  the  close  of  the  war,  ragtime  was 
substituted  for  the  national  airs  and  the  war 
was  forgotten  except  in  the  public  prints  and 
in  the  halls  of  the  national  legislature.  On 
the  return  of  the  victorious  American  sailors 
to  the  port  of  New  York,  they  were  without 
ceremony  given  freedom  of  the  city  and  vol- 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  27 

untary  entertainment  furnished  them.  In 
many  instances  they  were  not  allowed  even 
to  pay  for  food  and  libation,  and  yet  within 
a  month  of  that  time  the  writer  overheard 
two  sailors  who  had  apparently  overstayed 
their  shore  leave,  ask  a  person  on  Broadway 
the  direction  of  the  Battery  so  that  they  could 
get  to  Staten  Island  and  reach  their  vessels, 
and  they  were  told  to  go  north.  They  were 
intentionally  misdirected. 

In  a  way,  agitation,  discussion,  differences 
of  opinion,  different  views  of  national  poli- 
cies, state  administration  and  city  govern- 
ments, are  the  life  of  the  Republic.  When 
those  are  conducted  along  the  lines  of  com- 
mon sense  and  calm  judgment,  they  are 
healthful  and  advantageous.  When  they  are 
instigated  for  the  purpose  of  individual  ex- 
ploitation and  party  advancement,  and  adver- 
tisement consequent  upon  publicity,  they 
mark  hypocrisy,  they  indicate  the  reign  of 
individualism  against  the  welfare  of  the 
nation,  and,  like  an  epidemic,  cause  unnec- 
essary harm  and  an  undesirable  strain  on  the 
nerves  and  the  body  of  the  government. 

There  is  a  difference  between  agitation  and 
discussion  as  great  as  the  difference  between 
day  and  night.  While  the  nation  may  suffer 
in  times  of  panic  and  financial  distress,  poor 


28  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

crops  and  unwise  legislation,  it  may  also  suf- 
fer from  times  of  too  great  plenty,  from 
times  of  over-development,  resulting  in  for- 
getfulness  of  the  fact  that  each  man  owes 
a  duty  to  all  the  rest  and  that  the  concen- 
trated and  exclusive  pursuit  of  individual  en- 
terprise, regardless  of  community  of  interest, 
is  harmful  to  a  marked  degree. 

That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  a  divinely  appointed  instrument  no 
thoughtful  man  will  deny.  It  has  always 
seemed  to  the  writer,  however,  that  the  spe- 
cial manifestation  of  Providence  surrounding 
that  instrument  was  in  bringing  the  people 
by  the  evolution  of  experience  through  trial 
and  bloodshed  to  that  particular  moment 
where  it  furnished  an  attitude  of  mind  which 
made  it  possible  for  the  founders  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  draft  that  instrument  along 
broad  lines  of  general  conduct,  so  general 
that  they  express  in  a  way  the  progress 
of  the  human  race  up  to  that  time  and 
prescribe  the  limitations  within  which  men 
could  best  live  and  act.  It  is  a  comment 
on  the  frailty  of  human  nature,  however, 
that  after  the  instrument  was  adopted  by 
the  various  states,  the  selection  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  as  the  seat  of  the  national 
capital   was   arrived  at   by   a   compromise, 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  29 

which  alone  secured  votes  necessary  for  the 
adoption  of  Hamilton's  financial  plans  re- 
garding the  national  indebtedness. 

There  was  no  period  prior  to  the  time  of 
the  drafting  of  the  Constitution,  or  has  there 
been  at  any  time  since,  when  that  Constitu- 
tion could  have  been  adopted  had  it  been 
deferred  until  the  states,  or  rather  the  colo- 
nies, had  progressed  a  few  years  until  they 
occupied  the  relative  positions  of  commercial 
and  other  supremacy  that  they  do  now.  The 
petty  egotism  of  individuals  would  have  pre- 
vented agreement  on  the  broad  principles 
adopted  and  the  Constitution  would  then  have 
been  a  mere  adjustment  and  compromise 
along  lines  of  relative  importance. 

If  our  Constitution  had  grown  out  of  the 
single  conflict  of  the  Revolution,  it  would 
never  have  lasted,  nor  would  there  be  the 
present  union  of  states  that  there  is.  The 
fact  is  that  that  contest  was  the  final  step 
in  an  evolution  of  human  experience  that  had 
progressed  through  hundreds  of  years. 
There  is  nothing  new  in  saying  this,  and  it 
is  not  suggested  for  the  purpose  of  adding 
to  historical  deduction. 

The  ability  of  man  to  govern  himself,  the 
principles  of  political  democracy,  of  a  re- 
publican  form   of   government,   can   be   ac- 


30         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

cepted  as  a  fact.  What  particular  form  and 
variation  we  may  make,  what  temporary 
modification,  what  occasional  retarding  of 
progress  there  may  be,  are  merely  elements 
that  emphasize  existing  conditions  and  force 
the  conclusion  that  the  best  asset  of  the  coun- 
try, outside  of  its  laws,  if  not  quite  equal  to 
them,  is  a  continually  observing  public,  keen 
to  its  own  frailties,  appreciative  of  its  obliga- 
tions, and  with  the  consciousness  that  no 
single  man  has  done  his  full  duty  until  he 
has  done  everything  he  can. 

It  is  not  sufficient  for  a  man  to  say  that 
he  is  mathematically  but  a  certain  portion 
of  the  United  States  and  therefore  not  called 
upon  for  a  degree  of  service  beyond  his 
mathematical  share.  This  reduces  him  at 
once  to  an  algebraic  "X."  In  the  practical 
problems  of  American  life  it  would  not  be 
flattering  for  the  real  value  of  X  to  be  dis- 
covered. 

Legally,  all  forms  of  government  in  the 
United  States  are  corporate.  The  Federal 
government  is  a  corporation.  So  is  that  of 
the  states,  and  so  is  that  of  the  cities.  Po- 
tentially, our  political  and  social  life  is  a 
partnership,  in  which  each  man  has  a  share 
in  its  assets,  and  is  liable  in  a  measure  for 
all  its  obligations.     Political  misconduct  in 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  31 

Portland,  Maine,  affects  civic  conditions  in 
Portland,  Oregon,  or  vice  versa.  A  good 
administration  and  alertness  to  civic  obliga- 
tions evidenced  in  either  one  of  those  cities, 
for  instance,  helps  the  other;  because,  after 
all,  under  our  form  of  government,  it  is  the 
average  of  life  that  makes  actual  conditions. 
With  full  respect  for  the  well-worn  and 
superlative  adjectives  and  overworked  rhe- 
toric typical  of  our  Fourth  of  July,  there  have 
been  nations  greater  than  the  United  States, 
because  greatness  is  a  matter  of  proportion 
and  relationship.  Viewed  from  this  stand- 
point, we  have  been  excelled  in  fighting 
strength,  in  commercial  greatness,  in  institu- 
tional government,  in  arts  and  sciences.  In 
the  possibilities  of  individual  development, 
the  opportunity  for  each  one  to  better  him- 
self, in  the  variety  of  activities  available  to 
those  who  are  seeking  to  advantage  them- 
selves, in  the  multitude  of  conditions  created 
by  our  mode  of  life,  there  has  never  been,  and 
probably  never  will  be,  a  scheme  of  govern- 
ment furnishing  opportunities  for  individu- 
ality and  self-betterment  as  marked  as  that 
under  which  we  live.  This  is  an  element  of 
strength  and  an  element  of  weakness.  The 
accumulated  momentum  of  success,  with  the 
potential  advantage  of  specific  opportunities 


32         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

— education,  mental  and  financial  endowment 
— makes  the  race  sometimes  seem  unequal.  It 
is  unfair,  however,  to  make  the  comparison 
between  the  person  of  greatest  opportunity 
and  the  one  of  least,  when  the  proper  test  is 
between  those  of  relatively  the  same  imme- 
diate social  and  moral  environment.  We 
must  not  charge  government  with  the  respon- 
sibility for  innate  differences  between  men. 
With  the  marvelous  mixture  of  social  and 
racial  conditions  in  this  country,  the  real 
problem  is  to  create  a  mode  of  life  by  wise 
legislation,  which  shall  restrict  the  vicious, 
protect  the  weak,  but  make  everyone  un- 
derstand that  his  preferment  depends  pri- 
marily and  finally  upon  his  individual  ef- 
fort. The  greater  the  opportunity,  the  greater 
the  talent,  the  greater  the  obligation,  po- 
litical as  well  as  moral,  from  the  more  for- 
tunate to  the  less  fortunate.  It  is  not  a 
question  of  political  importance  at  all  what 
fortune  an  individual  has  succeeded  in 
gaining.  It  is  a  matter  of  vital  importance 
whether  in  gaining  it  he  violated  a  legal  or 
moral  right  of  another.  It  is  the  height  of 
silliness  to  say  wisdom  will  not  accomplish 
more  than  ignorance.  It  is  absurd  to  argue 
that  the  momentum  of  progress  established 
by  judgment,  good  habits  and  persistent,  con- 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  33 

centrated  effort  shall  halt  and  mark  time 
until  the  less  fortunate  catches  up.  It  is 
anarchy  to  decry  possession  without  demon- 
strating that  it  was  wrongfully  obtained. 
It  is  hypocrisy  and  a  moral  crime  to  cater 
to  ignorance  and  to  destroy  reasonably  happy 
lives  by  persuading  fairly  contented  minds 
that  they  should  have  what  they  never  could 
have  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events,  and 
that  their  lack  of  possession  due  to  either  a 
lack  of  effort  or  lack  of  talent  is  the  result 
of  a  conspiracy  framed  by  others. 

Physical  and  social  conditions  vary  so 
greatly  through  the  nation  that  it  is  difficult, 
and  naturally  difficult,  to  have  legislation 
that  meets  the  average  of  human  needs.  It 
is  a  perfectly  sound  proposition  to  say  that 
the  government  should  not  furnish  special 
privileges  to  any  class.  It  is  as  clear  as  the 
multiplication  table  that  the  law  should  not 
give  to  any  one  man  what  it  does  not  give 
to  another.  It  is  equally  clear  that  those 
laws,  however,  are  passed  by  men  elected  by 
other  men  with  all  human  weaknesses,  com- 
ing from  different  parts  of  the  country,  with 
different  ambitions,  and  moved  by  the  in- 
centive of  competition.  Who,  then,  has  the 
right  finally  to  say  what  is  special  privilege? 
Each  of  the  great  parties,  for  instance,  has 


34         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

been  accustomed  for  years  in  its  national 
platform  to  decry  special  privilege  and  to 
charge  its  opponents  with  being  the  insti- 
gators of  such  awful  practices.  It  is  fiercely 
alleged  that  these  parties  grant  these  privi- 
leges to  their  own  members,  and  that  as  a 
result  of  some  secret  understanding  or  im- 
proper inducement.  The  actual  fact  is  that 
the  special  privileges  sought  from  govern- 
ment and  frequently  obtained  do  not  have 
their  inception  in  a  political  doctrine,  but  in 
the  desire  of  men  or  corporations,  who,  so 
far  as  this  particular  privilege  is  concerned, 
recognize  no  political  differences  of  opinion 
beyond  that  of  self-interest.  This  is  clearly 
shown  by  the  fact  that  boards  of  directors 
of  corporations  which  are  supposed  to  be 
enjoying  special  privileges  are  composed  of 
men  of  different  political  beliefs,  and  stock 
control  owned  regardless  of  party  affiliation. 
This  is  not  a  new  discovery,  but  merely 
shows  how  far  some  popular  ideas  are  from 
the  facts.  In  the  final  analysis  the  question  of 
party  politics  has  as  little  to  do  with  it  as  the 
number  of  stars  in  the  Milky  Way  has  to  do 
with  the  price  of  milk.  The  desire  to  accumu- 
late wealth  will  always  exist.  The  method  of 
procuring  it  by  means  of  government  aid  will 
always  depend  upon  the  degree  of  political 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  35 

obligation  which  the  seeker  of  such  assist- 
ance recognizes  toward  the  state  or  nation. 

Personality  will  always  outweigh  its  oppo- 
site; capacity  will  always  outstrip  incapa- 
city; intelligence  will  outweigh  ignorance. 
The  mind  operates  nowise  differently  in  po- 
litical circles  than  in  commercial  circles  when 
the  question  at  issue  is  solely  self-interest. 

When  a  group  of  men  with  a  desire  to 
benefit  themselves  decide  in  some  conference 
that  they  are  going  to  seek  privilege, 
either  Federal,  state  or  municipal,  they  agree 
upon  a  plan  to  have  that  privilege  granted. 
Those  of  the  particular  group  who  happen 
to  be  best  acquainted  and  nearest  in  touch 
with  the  party  which  is  in  power  in  the  par- 
ticular jurisdiction  are  the  ones  who  take  the 
initiative  and  ask  for  that  privilege  under  a 
general  argument  for  the  benefit  of  every- 
body, and  insist  on  it  by  virtue  of  their  asso- 
ciation with  the  party  in  power.  The  same 
group,  asking  the  same  privilege  from  an- 
other state,  will  use  different  men  from  their 
own  number  to  go  to  the  front  and  ask  the 
passage  of  an  act,  and  so  they  ask  for  it  by 
virtue  of  their  service  and  association  with 
the  opposite  party.  There  is  nothing  star- 
tling or  abnormal  about  this.  It  does  not 
represent  any  giant  conspiracy  against  the 


36  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

Republic  or  the  state.  It  represents  people 
trying  to  provide  the  means  of  accumulation 
more  rapidly  than  they  otherwise  would  be 
acquired,  and  forgetting  the  fact  that  they 
owe  a  moral  and  civic  duty  to  every  other 
portion  of  the  community,  which  is  violated 
if  that  particular  privilege  interferes  with 
the  fundamental  rights  of  somebody  else. 

The  only  remedy  is  the  continual  prepared- 
ness of  everyone  to  insist  on  all  his  legal 
rights  and  his  alertness  to  discover  at  once 
a  threatened  danger  and  prevent  it,  whether 
by  discussion  through  the  ordinary  chan- 
nels of  publicity,  or  by  direct  appeals  to  mem- 
bers of  the  legislative  body  and  the  executive 
intrusted  with  the  power  of  veto. 

The  practical  difficulty  is  that  the  men  who 
seek  the  privilege  are  organized  and  have  ac- 
quired headway  in  the  race,  as  a  rule,  before 
their  activities  become  a  matter  of  public 
notice.  This  situation  is  the  direct  result 
of  our  institutions.  It  is  a  source  of  weak- 
ness and  it  is  a  source  of  strength,  and  will 
never  be  adjusted  to  a  final  absolute  standard 
of  exact  justice  as  long  as  human  beings 
are  the  instruments  which  other  human  be- 
ings must  use  to  accomplish  their  desires. 
It  is  a  question  of  standards.  It  is  a  problem 
that  can  be  and  will  be  solved  with  relative 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  37 

success  if  it  is  looked  at  in  a  common  sense 
way  and  conditions  are  recognized  as  they 
are. 

It  frequently  happens  that  one  group 
or  class  of  citizens  is  entirely  willing 
that  another  group  should  have  a  privi- 
lege undisturbed  if  they  can  have  their 
own  undisturbed,  and  in  that  case  legis- 
lation becomes  a  mere  matter  of  squaring  of 
interests  and  trading  of  benefit  for  benefit. 
This,  too,  will  continue  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent  until  the  moment  of  final  translation, 
and  certainly  as  long  as  it  is  expected  that 
human  conduct  can  be  finally  regulated  and 
standardized  by  statute,  apart  from  the  spirit 
and  practice  of  moral  and  political  responsi- 
bility between  men. 

Government  is  a  thing  to  live  under,  not 
on.  It  is  a  mere  excuse  by  virtue  of  which 
by  putting  certain  conditions  on  paper  we 
state  that  there  are  certain  things  that  men 
shall  do,  and  certain  other  things  that  they 
shall  not  do  in  their  relationship  towards 
each  other.  The  more  general  the  proposi- 
tion, the  more  advantageous.  The  more  spe- 
cific it  is,  the  more  liability  there  is  that  harm 
will  result. 

There  is  much  truth  in  the  declaration  that 
the  country  is  going  through  a   spasm   of 


432257 


38         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

over-production  in  law.  The  fact  that  many 
laws  passed  as  a  remedy  fail  in  large  measure 
in  their  purpose  is  due  to  the  initial  fact 
that  the  community,  as  a  community,  is  not 
sufficiently  apprised  of  the  evil  which  it  is 
sought  to  remedy,  and  that  they  are  forced 
into  the  lawbooks  under  the  pressure  of  a 
temporary  emergency  which  may  of  itself 
never  recur. 

With  the  desirability  of  having  a  law  repre- 
sent the  active  mentality  and  morality  of  the 
large  majority  of  the  citizens,  and  the  diffi- 
culty of  effecting  that  result  by  virtue  of 
the  fact  that  many  are  too  engrossed  to  have 
either  the  time  or  understanding  to  grasp 
a  particular  problem,  men  are  accustomed 
to  rely  on  the  personality  of  individuals  who 
are  advocating  or  opposing  particular  plans 
for  remedial  legislation.  One  effect  of  this 
has  been  that  in  the  past  few  years,  with  a 
tendency  to  hero  worship  at  the  same  time, 
people  have  been  more  inclined  to  follow  this 
or  that  individual  than  to  advocate  or  oppose 
this  or  that  measure. 

Legislation  has  frequently  become  a  means 
of  attracting  attention  to  the  individual  who 
proposed  it,  and  applause  has  been  given  or 
withheld  from  him  as  an  individual  in  his 
admitted    struggle,    more    frequently    than 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  39 

energy  has  been  given  to  grasp  the  mer- 
its of  a  particular  measure  under  discus- 
sion. 

It  is  only  common  sense  to  say,  therefore, 
that  many  men,  with  the  stimulus  of  applause, 
and  with  the  pleasure  of  being  in  the  public 
eye,  from  time  to  time  advocate  measures  and 
carry  them  through  as  a  means  of  contest 
and  self-exploitation.  This  is  not  strange, 
abnormal,  or  monstrous.  It  is  merely  an 
evidence  of  one  weakness  of  mankind.  It 
is  not  remarkable  that  any  man  prominent 
in  affairs,  whether  in  official  life  or 
otherwise,  should  come  to  feel  in  the  heat 
of  contest  that  his  thought  should  be  another 
man's  conviction.  When  such  a  person  ar- 
rives at  such  a  state  of  mind  he  unconsciously, 
and  it  may  be  beyond  all  intention,  creates 
conditions  and  effects  results  that  do  not  al- 
ways prove  of  lasting  benefit,  because  the 
problem  has  come  to  be  a  personal  one,  rather 
than  a  general  one. 

From  the  original  theory  of  opportunities 
for  individual  advancement  in  this  country 
and  the  difficulty  of  conveying  an  idea  to  the 
popular  mind,  and  the  fact  that  it  is  easier 
to  discuss  a  man  than  a  measure,  the 
personal  equation  has  been  accentuated  to 
a  point  far  beyond  the  conception  of  the 


40  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

Fathers.  Even  this  is  not  a  final  danger,  nor 
is  it  remediless.  The  very  illustration  it  gives 
of  the  possibilities  of  personal  influence  is  an 
invitation  to  others  to  enter  the  contest  and 
to  dedicate  themselves  to  the  service  of  their 
fellow-man,  even  though  without  invitation 
from  that  fellow-man,  and  oftentimes  without 
his  desiring  it.  There  is  no  element,  human 
or  otherwise,  which  cannot  be  properly  used 
and  beneficially,  that  if  ill  used  may  not  be- 
come harmful  in  the  extreme.  Heat  is  essen- 
tial to  life;  its  wrong  application  destroys 
life. 

Theoretically,  the  people  as  a  whole  take 
the  initiative  in  all  public  matters.  Practi- 
cally, the  initiative  is  taken  by  individuals 
or  small  groups,  and  the  general  public  then 
appealed  to  for  approval.  The  proposed 
action  may  redound  to  public  advantage.  It 
may  be  to  the  advantage  only  of  the  indi- 
vidual. It  sometimes  happens  that  it  is  of 
advantage  to  all  concerned. 

The  responsibility  in  all  matters  affecting 
the  public  interest  rests  primarily  upon  in- 
dividuals who  have  the  best  opportunities  of 
ascertaining  facts  and  who  are  in  a  position 
to  exercise  great  influence.  This  responsi- 
bility can  neither  be  dodged,  avoided,  or 
explained  away.    Whether  it  is  inherently 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  -41 

selfish,  or  only  relatively  so,  depends  upon 
circumstances. 

The  man  who  does  not  vote  is  not  en- 
titled to  an  opinion  on  affairs  which  he  might 
have  affected  had  he  voted.  The  man  who 
has  never  made  an  effort  to  correct  a  con- 
dition is  entitled  to  no  grievance  on  account 
of  the  position  in  which  he  finds  himself. 
The  anomalous  condition  in  American  politi- 
cal life  is  that  human  beings  expect  results 
more  than  human  from  the  human  instru- 
ments they  are  compelled  to  employ.  It  is 
not  possible  for  an  individual  to  familiarize 
himself,  for  instance,  with  every  bill  pending 
before  a  legislature  and  inform  his  represent- 
ative as  to  his  desires  regarding  it.  There 
would  be  no  time  for  him  to  do  that  and  pur- 
sue his  ordinary  vocation.  He  can,  however, 
keep  track  of  many  matters,  and  by  express- 
ing his  opinion  to  his  official  representative, 
or  even  by  conversation  with  neighbors, 
create  a  sentiment  which  would  make  his 
representative  hesitate  before  taking  a  final 
position  without  knowing  that  he  did  repre- 
sent the  average  of  his  constituents. 

The  nation  is  not  in  need  of  great  geniuses, 
whose  activities  shall  be  accepted  as  final  for 
the  multitude,  although  even  geniuses  have 
their  use.     They  have  the  ability  to  suggest 


42  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

new  matters.  They  have  creative  ideas.  One 
of  the  difficulties  pertinent  to  genius  is  that 
it  has  so  few  mental  associates  that  it  is  apt 
to  look  upon  the  rest  of  the  race  as  in- 
ferior. Some  great  musicians  have  been 
so  entirely  engrossed  and  preoccupied  that 
they  have  not  allowed  themselves  time  to  ob- 
serve many  of  the  conventions  of  life,  with 
the  result  that  their  hair  has  grown  longer 
than  the  length  recognized  as  proper  in  the 
community.  Sometimes  persons  of  moderate 
musical  capacity,  seeking  the  applause  ac- 
corded genius,  imitate  the  length  of  its  hair 
in  their  own,  in  the  hope  that  they  will  have 
the  same  applause.  So  it  is  with  the  passion 
to  be  in  the  full  light  of  publicity.  Seeing  in 
some  great  emergency  that  a  particular 
statesman  has  touched  the  popular  chord  and 
has  expressed  himself  in  a  popular  manner, 
they  formulate  some  plan  of  action  and  then 
look  for  the  line  of  discussion  which  will  put 
them  in  the  position  before  the  public  that 
the  more  learned  man  occupied,  regardless  of 
whether  the  public  needs  the  proposed  reform 
or  can  appreciate  the  discussion.  Vocifera- 
tion does  not  make  an  orator  any  more  than 
long  hair  makes  a  musician. 

Nothing  is  more  humorous  than  to  see  men 
with  second-rate  minds  servilely  following  a 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  43 

real  leader  of  thought,  to  give  the  impression 
of  their  own  independent  ratiocination.  Self- 
imposed  intellectual  servitude  should  provoke 
laughter,  not  applause.  Admitted  intellectual 
superiority  in  another,  with  no  claim  for 
more  than  one  has,  is  honest. 

These  comments  are  offered  because  the 
conduct  of  public  men  often  displays  char- 
acteristics from  which  the  only  deduction 
is  that  no  one  else  knows  anything.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  repeat  even  the  aphorism 
of  Lincoln  on  that  subject.  More  good  is 
accomplished  by  a  man  who  is  not  certain 
he  is  right  but  thinks  he  is  and  does  the  best 
he  can,  than  by  a  man  who  assumes  that 
everyone  else  errs  and,  therefore,  he  must 
be  right.  More  harm  is  done  by  discussing 
remedies  for  political  diseases,  without  per- 
suading people  to  agree  first  that  there  is 
a  necessity  for  a  remedy,  than  sometimes 
comes  from  the  disease  itself.  It  could  read- 
ily happen  that  a  particular  kind  of  an  as- 
sault committed,  which  was  not  covered  by 
the  Penal  Code,  had  shocked  and  outraged 
the  public.  It  could  equally  readily  happen 
that  persons  desiring  to  prevent  such  a  con- 
dition in  the  future  should  at  once  enter  into 
a  discussion  as  to  the  penalty.  One  man 
could  urge  forty  years  as  a  proper  punish- 


44  COMMON  SENSE   LN  POLITICS 

ment,  another  twenty.  The  first  one  could 
say  that  such  an  outrageous  crime  could  only 
be  properly  punished  by  forty  years  of  im- 
prisonment. The  other  could  admit  this  aca- 
demically, but  contend,  with  a  degree  of  pun- 
ishment so  great,  it  would  be  more  difficult 
to  get  convictions,  and  that  the  better  course 
would  be  to  prescribe  a  penalty  of  twenty 
years  and  take  away  the  right  of  pardon. 

Such  discussion  carried  on,  with  the  gen- 
eral public  as  jury,  might  fail  of  result  and 
similar  assaults  be  invited  by  the  failure  to 
agree  upon  a  punishment.  The  tendency  to 
leave  public  functions  to  individuals  has, 
therefore,  an  advantageous  and  a  disadvan- 
tageous side.  Initiative  thus  usually  taken 
by  individuals,  and  left  to  them  entirely,  re- 
sults often  in  the  adoption  of  an  individual 
view,  rather  than  a  composite  conviction 
which  represents  the  intelligent  thought  of 
an  appreciable  number  of  citizens. 

It  is  quite  easy  to  comment  upon  and  criti- 
cise these  particular  characteristics  or  activi- 
ties. It  is  difficult  to  prescribe  a  remedy.  The 
main  purpose  of  this  discussion  is  to  empha- 
size the  fact  that  in  the  realm  of  politics, 
as  in  any  other,  common,  ordinary,  everyday 
sense  should  control  conduct,  and  that  people 
do  not  differ  any  more  in  politics,  except  from 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  NATION  45 

the  effect  of  applause  on  the  mind  and  the 
pleasure  of  exercising  power,  than  they  do  in 
any  other  walk  of  life. 

There  is  not  the  slightest  question  of  the 
ability  of  the  American  people  to  govern 
themselves  or  to  decide  important  questions 
and  decide  them  rightly;  the  difficulty  is  to 
arrive  at  conclusions  without  the  admixture 
of  partisan  advocacy.  It  is  a  perfectly  plain 
tendency  in  life  not  to  decide  matters  or 
questions  until  under  pressure  of  great 
necessity,  or  within  the  shadow  of  a  threat- 
ening disaster.  As  a  groundwork  for  the 
settlement  of  problems  there  is  frequently 
stirred  up  an  agitation  so  that  the  question 
under  discussion  will  take  the  color  of  na- 
tional import  and  of  commanding  influence. 
This  does  not  create  a  wholesome  condition, 
nor  result  in  final  benefit.  The  fact  is  the 
alleged  perils  may  not  be  national  at  all,  but 
merely  matters  of  local  inconvenience.  When 
they  do  become  actual  perils,  the  people  will 
meet  them  bravely  and  wisely. 

Pending  the  decision,  the  nation  may  suffer 
great  financial  loss,  and  it  may  take  much 
time  for  recuperation.  This  is  a  lesser  evil 
in  the  long  run,  than  premature,  improperly 
digested  legislation.  Different  interests,  not 
national  in  their  importance,  while  contend- 


46  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ing  with  each  other,  may  bring  about  con- 
ditions which  cause  great  temporary  disad- 
vantage resulting  from  that  contention.  It 
is  a  question  of  reaching  the  golden  mean  of 
common  sense  judgment.  With  the  public 
mind  not  alert  to  public  questions,  individuals 
have  a  special  opportunity  of  seeking  their 
own  advantage.  Fortunately,  there  is  an  in- 
herent resiliency  in  American  temper,  and 
the  country  is  possessed  of  such  vast  wealth 
that  it  has  so  far  quite  readily  overcome  tem- 
porary setbacks. 

There  can  be  no  final  substitution  of  legis- 
lation for  moral  responsibility. 


SOME    AMERICANIZED    TRAITS 


m 

SOME   AMERICANIZED    TRAITS 

The  author  has  entire  respect  for  the  wis- 
dom of  the  Fathers.  He  recognizes  that  they 
were  learned  men,  and  feels  deeply  indebted 
to  them  for  the  rights  they  assured  to  the 
American  people  by  the  Constitution  they 
framed  and  the  sacrifices  they  made  in  their 
behalf.  He  feels  indebted  to  their  patriotism 
and  their  depth  of  learning.  He  does  not  be- 
lieve that  their  utterances  must  be  taken  as 
a  perpetual  guide  for  all  modern  conditions 
of  which  they  could  not  have  had  knowledge 
and  which  they  could  not  even  have  imagined. 

Intellectual  life  during  Revolutionary  days 
differed  as  much  from  present  intellectual 
life  as  the  rules  of  fractions  differ  from  in- 
tegral calculus.  Commercial  conditions  were 
as  simple  then,  compared  with  conditions 
now,  as  addition  is  compared  with  the  bi- 
nomial theorem.  Many  of  the  sciences  were 
in  their  infancy,  and  many  which  contribute 
to-day  to  the  luxuries  and  necessities  of  life 

49 


50  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

were  then  unknown.  Transportation  and  the 
diffusion  of  knowledge  have  reached  a  point 
never  conceived  by  the  Fathers.  During 
Washington's  second  administration  he  ex- 
pressed confidence  that  the  mails  would  some 
day  be  carried  from  Philadelphia  to  New 
York  inside  of  twenty-four  hours.  He  was 
laughed  at  by  the  people  and  ridiculed  by 
the  press  for  this  prophecy.  To-day  the  mail 
is  carried  from  Jersey  City  to  Philadelphia 
in  ninety  minutes.  Had  Jules  Verne  written 
at  the  time  of  the  Revolution  his  imaginings 
would  have  been  deemed  to  border  on  witch- 
craft. To-day  his  romancing  has  merged 
into  realization.  Trains  run  under  rivers 
and  through  the  earth;  men  fly  through  the 
air ;  messages  are  conveyed  by  electricity  and 
are  sent  through  the  air  without  physical 
medium.  The  human  voice  can  be  heard  over 
hundreds  if  not  thousands  of  miles  of  dis- 
tance, and  whispers  are  easily  distinguish- 
able. Creature  comforts  have  been  multi- 
plied, and  what  was  a  luxury  a  century 
ago  is  now  discarded  as  of  no  use  what- 
ever. 

The  grand  result  of  these  and  a  myriad 
other  circumstances  is  a  fevered  condition  of 
mind,  a  passion  of  haste,  desperate  competi- 
tion and  accomplishment,  adverse  to  delibera- 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         51 

tion,  preventive  of  calmness  of  judgment, 
and  conducive  to  loss  of  perspective.  Pres- 
ent characteristics  are  therefore  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  but  are  to  be  accepted  merely 
as  complicating  many  of  our  problems.  It  is 
fair  to  let  the  Fathers  rest  peacefully  in  their 
graves  and  to  take  the  responsibility  for 
straightening  out  our  own  affairs. 

In  the  political  arena  to-day  there  seems 
to  be  going  on  a  contest  novel  and  fierce. 
There  are  more  combatants  than  are  usually 
seen.  So  many,  in  fact,  and  so  great  the 
noise,  that  it  is  difficult  for  the  spectators  to 
see,  hear,  and  always  understand  what  actu- 
ally is  going  on.  Above  the  general  noise, 
however,  are  frequently  heard  the  words 
"  graft,"  "  bosses,"  "  classes,"  "  masses," 
"  parties,"  "  vice,"  "  reform,"  and  like 
words  too  numerous  to  mention.  The  major 
part  of  the  people,  to  continue  the  simile,  are 
sitting  around  the  arena,  some  keenly  observ- 
ing, some  leaning  forward  to  get  a  more  dis- 
tinct look  or  more  clearly  to  hear  what  is  go- 
ing on.  Many  are  indifferent,  and  those  in  the 
rear  rows  applaud  after  those  in  the  front 
rows  start  it.  Occasionally  a  defeated  con- 
testant is  carried  out,  or  a  victorious  com- 
batant permits  himself  to  be  carried  around 
the  ring  on  the  shoulders  of  partisans  whom 


52  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

he  has  summoned  for  that  purpose,  modestly 
acknowledging  that  he  is  a  victor. 

What  does  it  all  mean,  and  why  is  it  that 
from  pulpit,  press,  and  platform  there  is  such 
excitement?  It  means,  politically  speaking, 
that  within  a  few  years  hitherto  unthought 
of  questions  have  arisen,  new  opportunities 
been  created.  Men  have  increased  in  num- 
bers until  particular  ideas,  held  formerly 
only  by  individuals,  are  now  embraced 
by  a  thousand  times  as  many  people 
as  formerly  held  them.  It  means  that 
there  has  been  an  awakening  of  the  public 
mind  to  conditions  toward  which  it  has  here- 
tofore remained  indifferent,  and  that  instead 
of  having  one  or  two  engage  in  combat  for 
the  edification  and  entertainment  of  the  rest, 
the  combatants  have  increased,  and  the  spec- 
tators are  called  upon  more  frequently  to 
turn  down  the  thumb  of  disapproval  or  to 
applaud  success.  Those  in  the  arena  and  on 
the  spectators'  benches  are  just  as  human 
as  they  ever  were  before  and  have  the  same 
traits  of  character.  The  difficulty  of  know- 
ing exactly  what  is  the  situation  is  increased 
by  the  dust  and  noise  and  the  intensity  of 
the  conflict  which  is  accentuated  by  cries  and 
blows.  The  qualities  of  mind  and  heart  which 
make  for  honesty  are  the  same  now  as  they 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         53 

were  a  hundred  years  ago.  The  same  motives 
and  lack  of  morals,  which  made  for  dishon- 
esty, are  no  different  than  they  were  a  cen- 
tury since.  The  complications  of  life,  social, 
commercial  and  political,  simply  furnish  more 
opportunities  for  the  disregard  of  the  one 
or  the  practice  of  the  other.  To  understand 
the  requirements  of  the  multitude  is  to  first 
understand  the  disposition  of  the  individual. 
We  are  primarily  discussing  the  common 
sense  of  political  life  which  appears  under 
our  particular  form  of  government,  where 
everything  is  magnified  unduly  by  the  pub- 
licity given  to  political  affairs,  and  the  effect 
on  the  mind  resulting  from  political  power 
and  publicity.  A  man  need  not  become  en- 
tirely metamorphosed  because  he  is  part  of 
a  political  movement.  It  does  seem,  how- 
ever, that  he  sometimes  loses  his  perspective 
and  the  coloring  of  the  picture  is  so 
changed  that  relationships  assume  entirely 
different  forms  from  those  intended.  If  men's 
motives  could  always  be  accurately  judged 
by  their  conduct,  the  problem  of  government 
would  be  much  easier  of  solution.  The 
spoken  word,  unfortunately,  does  not  always 
proclaim  the  real  purpose,  nor  does  the  overt 
act  always  indicate  consistency  in  conduct. 
To  ascertain  just  what  are  the  facts  of  the 


54  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

problem,  just  what  conditions  must  be  met 
and  changed  for  the  common  good,  is  as  diffi- 
cult as  the  discovery  of  the  proper  remedy. 
Nevertheless,  men  in  relatively  the  same 
sphere  of  life  do  not  differ  so  much  from 
each  other  as  they  sometimes  think.  If  men 
actually  knew  what  their  neighbors  thought 
of  them  there  would  be  many  a  rude  awaken- 
ing. If  neighbors  actually  told  what  they 
thought  of  one  another,  they  would  cease  to 
be  neighbors.  If  men  could  persuade  their 
business  associates  to  believe  them  as  great 
as  they  persuade  their  families  they  are,  they 
would  hardly  be  recognized  in  business 
circles. 

Only  in  the  arena  of  politics  is  vitu- 
peration in  this  country  carried  to  its 
greatest  extent.  There  people  seem  to  en- 
deavor to  prove  their  own  virtue  by  decrying 
that  of  others.  During  campaigns  things  are 
said  and  done  which  at  any  other  time  would 
seem  absolutely  monstrous.  And  yet,  in  a 
measure,  it  is  not  without  public  benefit  that 
opinions  which  are  restrained  during  the  rest 
of  the  year  are  expressed,  and  the  mind  is 
relieved  to  that  extent.  Nothing  is  so  fatal 
to  mental  tranquillity  as  an  unexpressed 
opinion.  This  does  not  mean  that  vitupera- 
tion can  wisely  be  carried  on  for  the  benefit 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         55 

of  an  individual  or  a  community  without 
limit  during  campaigns  or  during  the  heat 
of  political  discussion  at  any  other  time.  It 
does  mean,  however,  that  any  man  or  party 
which  expects  to  lead  and  influence  public 
opinion  and  conduct  the  administration  of 
affairs  must  expect  to  be  criticised  and  com- 
mented upon  by  that  very  same  public  which 
such  party  or  individual  expects  to  lead. 
Politics  are  a  desperately  personal  proposi- 
tion. 

It  ought  not  to  be,  but  it  is  a  fact  that  a 
personality  is  more  interesting  than  a  propo- 
sition of  conduct,  and  men  will  discuss  an 
individual  when  they  will  not  take  the  trouble 
carefully  to  discuss  what  that  individual 
claims  he  stands  for.  So  it  is  that  the  ques- 
tion is  frequently  asked,  "  Do  you  agree  with 
the  President  or  differ  from  him?  "  "  Do 
you  agree  with  the  Governor  or  differ  from 
him?  "  and  men  become  friends  or  enemies 
of  public  officials  without  considering  the 
principle  advocated.  It  is  not  a  question 
whether  we  agree  with  a  President  or  a  Gov- 
ernor. The  proposition  is  whether  that  Presi- 
dent or  Governor  is  endeavoring  to  carry 
out  policies  with  which  the  citizens  agree  or 
disagree,  and  not  whether,  as  an  individual, 
he  should  be  given  the  meed  of  praise  for 


56  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

a  conflict  carried  on  against  some  of  the  very- 
people  whom  he  is  expected  to  represent. 
The  rewards  of  public  approval  are  so  flat- 
tering, and  the  homage  paid  to  success  so 
exhilarating  to  the  mind,  that  the  individual 
frequently  considers  himself  a  principle.  His 
followers,  therefore,  divide  the  public  be- 
tween friends  and  enemies  of  a  President, 
Governor,  or  Mayor. 

In  the  City  of  New  York  some  years  since 
it  was  a  part  of  the  platform  of  one  of  the 
parties  that  candidates  for  the  Assembly 
were  pledged  to  carry  out  all  the  policies  of 
the  Governor  then  in  office.  It  seemed  not 
to  occur  to  anyone  that  the  men  so  elected 
were  to  take  an  oath  before  entering  upon 
their  office  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  nation  and 
state,  and  to  perform  their  legislative  func- 
tions according  to  their  oath  and  their  con- 
science. It  is  quite  possible  that  they  might 
have  differed  from  the  executive  of  the  state 
as  a  matter  of  principle  and  without  any 
moral  turpitude.  Yet  in  conversation  and 
in  the  public  prints,  in  the  pulpit  and  upon 
the  platform,  members  of  the  legislature  who 
acted  according  to  their  convictions  were  de- 
nounced as  traitors  to  the  public  good  and 
without  moral  standard. 

At  the  national  Capitol  the  situation  is 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         57 

the  same.  If  the  press,  individuals  or  cir- 
cumstances have  given  rise  to  public  dis- 
cussion of  a  particular  question,  and  the  dis- 
cussion hinges  around  the  passage  or  non- 
passage  of  a  proposed  act  of  legislation,  the 
measure  seeming  reasonably  popular  whether 
wise  or  not,  and  Congress  does  not  act  at 
once,  regardless  of  many  other  duties,  the 
President  is  called  upon  to  force  it  to  vote 
favorably  upon  that  bill. 

Even  the  Presidential  use  of  patronage 
at  that  time  is  condoned,  which  at  other  mo- 
ments would  be  condemned. 

Every  thinking  man  knows  that  the  Presi- 
dent's duty  is  done  when  he  expresses  his 
opinions  in  his  messages  to  Congress.  The 
fact  remains,  however,  that  the  public  is  a 
desperately  human  entity,  and  if  it  is  satis- 
fied that  the  result  to  be  accomplished  is  of 
general  benefit,  judged  in  the  light  of  the 
moment  and  the  particular  stress  it  is  under, 
it  doesn't  stop  to  consider  ways  and  means, 
and  gives  its  approval  or  disapproval  of  a 
President  or  a  Governor,  according  to  his 
success  in  forcing  action  by  legislators  who 
are  bound  by  as  sacred  an  oath  of  office  as 
either  a  President  or  a  Governor.  One  of 
the  reasons  for  all  this  is  that  the  affirma- 
tive of  a  proposition  usually  gets  its  argu- 


58  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ments  started  first,  and  before  the  merits 
or  demerits  of  a  particular  measure  are 
fully  understood  it  is  well  under  way 
in  the  public  mind.  That  momentum  being 
established,  the  conclusion  is  instantly  drawn 
that  anyone  who  opposes  it  is  morally  wrong. 
Take,  on  the  other  hand,  a  bill  introduced 
after  careful  study  only  by  the  man  who  in- 
troduces it,  and  its  general  features  or  pur- 
poses not  fully  understood  by  the  public  at 
large;  the  fate  of  that  bill  depends  largely 
on  the  first  guess  made  by  the  public,  with 
or  without  thought  as  to  its  merits.  And  if 
the  public  guesses  "  No,"  the  introducer  is 
not  charged  with  lack  of  wisdom,  but  with 
lack  of  morals. 

All  this  simply  goes  to  bear  out  the  illus- 
tration first  used  in  this  chapter.  The  com- 
mon sense  of  it  is  a  legislator  or  an  execu- 
tive is  still  a  human  being  with  ordinary 
everyday  tendencies  and  temperament,  and 
should  be  no  different  when  in  office  than 
when  out  of  it.  Being  clothed  with  authority, 
however,  and  his  actions  reflected  through 
the  tremendous  light  of  public  discussion,  his 
importance  is  unduly  magnified  and  the  prin- 
ciples of  human  nature  are  for  the  moment 
overlooked.  Threats  do  not  convince;  they 
may  induce ;  and  a  law  passed  under  pressure 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         59 

and  without  calm  personal  discussion  accom- 
plishes no  more  for  the  body  politic  than 
food  gulped  and  unmasticated  does  for  the 
physical  body.  Vituperation  and  threats  may 
change  a  condition,  but  they  accomplish  no 
permanent  good  result.  The  ability  to  ana- 
lyze and  explain  results  is  rarer  than  the 
ability  to  merely  understand.  There  is  such 
a  thing,  however,  as  analyzing  so  closely  that 
nothing  practical  is  accomplished. 

The  situation  will  always  remain  the  same, 
because  human  nature  will  always  remain  the 
same.  To  decide  what  a  man  of  given  men- 
tality and  morality  ought  to  do,  then  wisely 
to  discuss  that,  is  an  intellectual  luxury.  To 
find  out  and  understand  what  men  are,  then 
to  persuade  them  what  they  ought  to  be,  think 
and  do,  and  to  move  them  to  do  it,  is  to  bene- 
fit the  human  race.  The  trouble  is,  men  want 
applause  immediately.  The  moment  they 
make  an  effort  they  turn  toward  the  public 
for  approval.  They  long  to  have  that  ap- 
proval, whether  it  comes  from  the  press  or 
from  the  handclapping  of  the  crowd.  This 
is  not  unnatural;  it  is  merely  human.  The 
greatest  man  is  he  who  is  willing  to  have  the 
results  of  his  principles  and  conduct  re- 
ceive approval  only  when  they  are  worked 
out  to  their  finality,  even  if  that  approval 


60  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

come  after  he  has  left  office  or  after  his  de- 
cease. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  few  there  are  who 
do  not  instinctively  desire  to  benefit  them- 
selves, though  they  may  not  know  in  just 
what  manner  this  may  best  be  accomplished, 
nor  have  the  strength  for  such  accomplish- 
ment. The  more  freedom  of  action  they  may 
have  to  work  out  individual  betterment,  the 
more  apt  is  it  to  be  worked  out. 

The  United  States  claims  to  furnish  the 
fullest  and  freest  channel  for  individual  im- 
provement, and  since  its  organization  has 
stood  with  doors  wide  open  inviting  all  who 
wished  to  enjoy  its  opportunities  to  enter. 
The  invitation  has  been  accepted  eagerly,  un- 
til to-day  we  have  a  civilization  representing 
the  globe  in  composite  form  and  all  under  the 
guidance  of  a  system  of  laws  which  at  their 
inception  could  not  have  looked  forward  to 
present  conditions.  It  was  never  within  the 
imagination  of  the  Fathers  that  the  nation's 
limits  would  be  what  they  now  are,  or  that 
in  variety  and  extent  the  nation's  resources 
could  possibly  develop  as  they  have,  or 
have  created  conditions  which,  commercially, 
could  have  divided  the  people  so  widely 
in  benefit.  All  this  has  raised  unusual 
and    intricate   questions    and   demands    the 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         61 

very  rarest  judgment  for  their  equitable 
solution. 

That  solution,  however,  will  be  best  worked 
out  through  the  domain  of  morals  with  the 
assistance  of  law,  rather  than  with  the  edict 
of  statute  and  the  embellishment  of  morals. 
Law,  in  a  way,  stands  as  the  arbiter  between 
individual  interests  in  competition  and  is  pre- 
sumed to  insure  rights  and  enforce  obliga- 
tions. Unfortunately  for  idealism  people 
who  are  supposed  to  be  directed  and  pro- 
tected by  law  are  the  same  people  who  are 
to  make  the  law  through  their  represent- 
atives, and  without  the  final  test  of  morals, 
laws  are  apt  to  work  in  a  circle.  Modern 
laws  are  supposed  to  be  the  antithesis  of  ab- 
solutism, and  to  substitute  human  rights  in 
place  of  imperial  favor.  After  centuries  of 
force  and  that  very  imperialism  written  on 
every  page  of  history,  it  is  just  as  natural 
as  ever  for  individuals  to  enjoy  the  adulation 
of  the  populace  and  to  wish  to  influence  con- 
ditions as  before.  It  is  a  change  in  degree 
as  well  as  kind  and  form  and  method  and 
will  be  so  to  the  end  of  time,  whether  in 
village  or  city,  state  or  nation.  It  is  hu- 
man to  desire  potential  influence  and  to  par- 
ticipate in  shaping  events. 

With  these  thoughts  in  mind,  a  solution  of 


62  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

many  of  our  political  questions  is  easier.  Ab- 
solute democracy  is  an  intellectual  dream 
springing  up  in  overheated  logic,  but  results 
in  a  rude  awakening  when  tested  by  experi- 
ence. It  is  neither  dangerous  nor  unpleasant 
to  walk  in  sleep  in  a  room  where  there  is 
no  furniture.  Approximation  is  the  best  that 
can  be  expected  from  finite  beings  differing 
both  mentally  and  morally.  As  long  as  there 
are  human  beings,  there  will  be  some  who 
are  seeking  what  they  are  not  entitled  to. 
There  will  always  be  some  who  follow  the 
doctrine  of  expediency  rather  than  fixed 
standards.  There  will  always  be  some  who 
will  do  things  if  they  don't  expect  to  be 
detected  who  would  not  do  the  same  thing 
with  a  witness.  Men  do  not  forge  if  anyone 
is  looking  on.  Men  do  not  knowingly  take 
marked  bills  if  the  taking  is  to  be  a  proof 
of  larceny. 

The  whole  question  finally  resolves  itself 
into  whether  each  person  recognizes  a  moral 
and  legal  obligation  to  all  the  others,  as 
shown  in  his  personal  conduct  toward  them. 
One  of  the  silliest  doctrines  preached  is  that 
questions  can  only  be  settled  in  this  country 
by  being  kept  out  of  politics.  Outside  of  a 
man's  duty  to  his  Creator,  there  is  hardly  a 
question  in  the  United  States  that  can  be 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         63 

raised  that  is  not  a  political  question.  The 
reason  is  that  every  law  is  the  final  result 
of  the  casting  of  a  ballot.  The  enforcement 
of  every  law  comes  through  a  human  being, 
and  the  selection  of  that  human  being  is  the 
result  of  the  casting  of  a  ballot  by  a  human 
being.  The  laws  of  health,  the  enforcement 
of  the  Penal  Code,  the  building  of  a  house 
in  which  a  man  lives,  the  clothes  he  wears, 
the  money  with  which  he  purchases,  the  serv- 
ices for  which  he  is  remunerated,  all  are  af- 
fected by  law  and  are  only  finally  disposed 
of  when  actually  cast  into  the  hopper  and 
ground  out  after  public  discussion. 

Questions  are  settled  by  being  taken  to  the 
people,  not  by  being  kept  from  them. 

Whatever  we  may  deem  our  rights  and  our 
obligations  to  be,  someone  will  always  have 
to  be  doing  something  for  another.  In  each 
case,  both  profit  by  the  experience.  There  is 
an  unquestioned  tendency  to  trust  too  much 
to  legislation  and  too  little  to  personal  effort. 
The  activities  surrounding  such  legislation 
from  the  inception  of  the  movement  leading 
up  to  it,  and  the  enforcement  of  it  thereafter, 
embrace  the  whole  range  of  political  life  in 
this  country. 

The  words  "  politics  "  and  "  politicians  " 
have  come  to  have  far  other  than  their  nat- 


64  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ural  meanings,  and  are  interpreted  accord- 
ing to  the  stress  on  the  public  mind  at  the 
time  and  the  strain  of  the  effort  to  accom- 
plish desired  results  under  a  system  of  gov- 
ernment where  all  are  at  least  supposed  to 
have  equal  opportunities  before  the  law. 
This  is  apart  from  the  question  of  woman 
suffrage.  Whatever  may  be  the  derivation 
and  meaning  of  the  word  ' '  politics, ' '  it  prac- 
tically signifies  influencing  the  people  in  the 
aggregate  without  the  use  of  force.  A  poli- 
tician is  one  who  is  engaged  in  such  an 
effort.  It  accomplishes  nothing  to  cast  slurs 
on  the  one  or  the  other.  It  merely  clouds 
the  situation.  Characterization  of  either 
should  always  be  accompanied  by  qualifying 
adjectives  according  to  the  end  sought  and 
the  methods  employed  either  in  politics  or  by 
politicians.  If  this  were  always  done,  half 
our  political  difficulties  would  be  at  an  end. 
A  statesman  is  merely  a  man  accepted  as 
more  learned  than  a  politician.  Satire,  ridi- 
cule, and  denunciation  of  individuals  merely 
on  account  of  their  political  activities  accom- 
plish nothing  more  than  giving  mental  relief 
to  him  using  those  particular  forms  of  de- 
scription. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
founded   upon   the   belief   that   all   citizens 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         65 

would  be  politically  active  at  all  times. 
In  present-day  discussions  it  has  come  about 
that  to  be  politically  active  invites  condem- 
nation as  a  matter  of  course,  and  the  reward 
of  virtue  is  often  placed  upon  the  brow  of 
a  man  because  he  has  never  taken  part  at 
all  in  politics,  and  therefore  was  necessarily 
without  guile  and  possessed  of  virtue. 
Praise  often  comes  to  the  man  who  calls  the 
other  man  a  liar  first.  Political  character 
frequently  is  what  we  think  the  other  man 
should  have.  Not  to  be  interested  and  par- 
ticipate in  civic  affairs  should  be  a  badge  of 
disgrace.  The  fact  that  public  life  and  po- 
litical activities  furnish  many  opportunities 
for  self-aggrandizement  and  aid  in  life 's  com- 
petition, has  nothing  to  do  with  the  question. 
There  should  not  be,  but  always  will  be, 
graft.  Graft  is  not  indigenous  to  public  office, 
although  it  thrives  there  with  particular 
fruitfulness.  Graft  is  larceny  by  a  man  act- 
ing in  a  representative  capacity.  It  exists 
in  the  degree  in  which  the  principal  who  em- 
ploys the  representative  watches  the  conduct 
of  his  representative.  When  a  principal  be- 
lieves his  representative  is  virtuous  because 
the  latter  claims  he  is,  and  the  latter  is  not 
held  up  to  his  literal  responsibility,  graft 
increases. 


66         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

When  a  man  who  has  been  politically  active 
commits  a  crime,  punish  him  for  that  crime 
and  not  for  his  activity.  The  fact  of  such 
crime  and  punishment  is  no  excuse  for  any- 
one else  to  deny  himself  participation  in  poli- 
tics which  is  clearly  his  own  duty.  If  the 
minister  of  a  congregation  should  be  expelled 
from  the  pulpit  for  personal  frailty,  it  would 
not  justify  a  member  of  the  congregation  in 
giving  up  his  religion.  If  the  result  of  matri- 
mony is  incompatibility  of  temper,  or  the  un- 
lucky selection  of  a  mother-in-law,  it  isn't 
necessary  at  once  to  violate  the  laws  of  God 
and  man. 

This  nation  represents,  as  near  as  may  be, 
a  workable  democracy.  Its  laws  are  the 
means  to  an  end.  The  progress  of  human 
society  still  depends  upon  the  inculcation  and 
practice  of  morality.  It  is  not  strange  that 
laws  instituted  and  enforced  by  human  beings 
should  be  subject  to  the  weaknesses  of  hu- 
man judgment  and  conduct.  Opportunity 
has  much  to  do  with  determining  con- 
duct. As  already  stated,  the  desire  for  ap- 
plause is  natural,  the  desire  for  influence  not 
abnormal,  the  seeking  of  public  preferment 
and  public  office  desperately  human.  The 
moral  harm  is  doing  any  or  all  of  these  with 
a  declaration  that  none  of  them  is  undertaken 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         67 

under  the  impulse  of  any  of  those  thoughts 
or  temperamental  conditions.  The  latter  is 
mere  hypocrisy.  The  former  is  at  least  hon- 
est. Men  hold  public  office  because  they  de- 
sire it.  Alleged  self-immolation  upon  the 
altar  of  office-holding  is  mere  cant,  nonsense, 
and  egotism  raised  to  the  Nth  power.  There 
is  no  public  office  in  the  United  States  to-day 
that  cannot  be  filled  by  another  as  well  as  by 
the  present  holder.  Anyone  who  openly 
stated  that  he  alone  was  best  fitted  for 
such  position  would  become  a  laughing-stock. 
The  best  reforms  that  have  been  instituted 
in  administration  or  in  remedial  statute  have 
been  the  result  of  conflicts  between  the  ambi- 
tions of  honest-minded  men.  The  greatest 
failures  have  arisen  from  the  cant  and  hy- 
pocrisy of  men  who  have  not  had  the  real 
courage  to  admit  their  natural  character- 
istics. The  most  pathetic  case  is  that  of 
a  man  who  thinks  he  is  in  himself  a  moral 
reform.  The  Almighty  has  never  yet  given 
an  irrevocable  power  of  attorney  to  a  human 
being.  How  silly  it  is,  therefore,  not  to  recog- 
nize the  limitations  of  human  nature,  instead 
of  substituting  individuals  for  principles.  In 
times  of  war  men  rise  to  their  proper 
stature.  If  men  participated  in  politics, 
— the    business    of    the    nation, — in    times 


68  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

of  peace  with  the  same  devotion  they 
display  in  times  of  war,  the  life  of  the  Re- 
public would  be  one  of  continuous  progress. 
Selfish  interest,  utterly  apart  from  principle, 
commands  this  course.  It  is  better  to  give 
selfishly  than  not  to  give  at  all.  It  is  better 
to  assist  another  for  the  purpose  of  being 
discovered  in  the  act  than  to  withhold  all  as- 
sistance.   Someone  will  profit. 

Political  office  properly  opens  the  door  of 
individual  betterment  in  many  ways.  Many 
of  the  choicest  prizes  in  professional  and 
business  life  are  awarded  to  those  who  have 
had  experience  in  public  office.  Public  office 
is  often  sought  for  that  reason.  This  can 
be  done  without  hypocrisy  and  without  harm 
to  the  public  if  the  individual  while  in  office 
gives  adequate  service  with  entire  honesty. 
Occupancy  of  executive  and  administrative 
positions  furnishes  more  experience  within 
a  few  years  than  individuals  ordinarily 
get  in  half  of  or  even  an  entire  life- 
time otherwise.  For  men  to  say  that  they 
hold  public  office  only  and  exclusively  and 
entirely  for  the  public  benefit  is  to  fool  them- 
selves as  well  as  the  public.  It  accomplishes 
nothing  to  indulge  in  hypocritical  criticism 
of  public  officials,  except  to  lessen  the  re- 
spect of  the  public  for  their  own  represen- 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         69 

tatives    and    to    render    their    services    less 
efficient. 

This  subject  has  been  gone  into  at  this 
length  only  because  the  public  mind  seems 
to  be  largely  occupied  with  the  administra- 
tion of  public  office,  and  that  too  is  as  it 
should  be.  No  occupant  of  a  public  office, 
however,  should  imagine  that  he  is  the  public, 
for  then  he  serves  only  himself.  If  the  occu- 
pant of  a  public  office  feels  overburdened  in 
his  service  and  that  the  sacrifice  is  too  great, 
there  is  no  prohibition  in  the  Constitution  or 
statute  to  prevent  his  resigning.  Men,  as  a 
rule,  are  theoretically  democratic  by  pro- 
fession and  desperately  personal  by  instinct 
and  practice. 

When  power  and  influence  are  sought 
merely  for  exhilaration  and  regardless  of  the 
rights  of  others,  it  is  undemocratic  and  merits 
only  condemnation.  It  takes  judgment  and 
common  sense  to  decide  along  what  lines 
particular  men  are  acting.  It  will  be  much 
easier  to  come  to  a  conclusion  and  to  give  the 
awards  of  approval,  or  to  administer  proper 
condemnation,  if,  in  forming  our  judgment, 
we  understand  poor,  plain  human  nature  as 
it  is. 

There  has  never  been  so  much  discussion 
of  public  topics  as  now,  with  the  exception 


70         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

of  the  times  immediately  before  and  after 
the  Revolution  and  surrounding  the  scenes  of 
the  Rebellion.  It  is  sought  here  to  make  that 
discussion  a  public  benefit  by  furnishing  pos- 
sibly a  different  point  of  view,  even  if  that 
point  of  view  is  not  adorned  with  metaphori- 
cal flowers  and  pictured  with  elaborate  rhe- 
torical finish. 

Americans  have  such  confidence  in  their 
present  and  in  their  future,  and  believe  their 
institutions  so  much  superior  to  those  of 
other  countries,  that  they  are  apt  to  indulge 
in  invidious  comparisons. 

We  inconsistently  criticise  many  things  in 
others.  We  criticise  Europe  because  there 
they  have  social  classes.  We  have  them  here, 
as  a  matter  of  fact.  Theoretically,  we  have 
not.  We  criticise  other  nations  because  of 
the  great  disparity  between  the  rich  and  the 
poor.  The  disparity  in  Europe  between 
wealth  and  poverty  is  scarcely  greater  than 
in  this  country.  It  is  no  crime  to  desire  to  be 
rich.  It  is  no  evidence  of  moral  obloquy.  It 
is  a  moral  and  legal  crime  to  seek  those  riches 
by  criminal  and  illegal  methods.  There  are 
men  in  this  country  so  wealthy  that  they  em- 
ploy men  to  help  them  give  away  their  money. 
It  is  sometimes  asserted  that  it  is  a  disgrace 
to  die  rich.    It  is  safe  to  say,  however,  that 


SOME  AMERICANIZED  TRAITS         71 

the  men  who  have  uttered  those  statements 
have  drawn  their  wills. 

What  is  the  use  of  all  this  nonsense? 
There  isn't  any.  We  all  want  all  we  can  get, 
whether  in  material  advantage  or  popular 
applause,  and  we  are  all  seeking  to  obtain  it. 
The  important  question  is:  How  are  we  go- 
ing to  get  it! 

What  are  our  political  principles? 


POLITICAL  PARTIES,  POLITICAL 

ORGANIZATIONS,  BOSSES, 

PATRONAGE 


IV 


POLITICAL  PARTIES,  POLITICAL 

ORGANIZATIONS,  BOSSES, 

PATRONAGE 

The  traveler  who  enters  the  political  for- 
est, partly  timbered  with  party  principles, 
with  a  sturdy  second  growth  of  party  organi- 
zation, dense  undergrowth  of  bosses  and 
trailing  vines  of  patronage,  must  pick  his 
way  carefully  to  avoid  getting  lost  and  to 
emerge  unharmed  by  falling  limbs  and  un- 
discerned  briars.  Before  entering  he  must 
protect  his  eyes  from  the  light  of  too  intense 
partisanship  and  must  walk  without  fear  of 
hobgoblins  or  giants.  If  he  is  to  observe 
wisely,  he  must  be  without  nervousness  and 
without  fear  for  his  personal  safety.  If  he 
intends  to  give  others  the  benefit  of  his  ob- 
servation his  investigations  must  be  carried 
on  without  any  preconceived  theory.  If  his 
vision  is  clear  he  will  see  the  dark  forms  of 
thwarted  ambitions,  disappointed  hopes, 
wrecked   careers.     He  will  hear  the  angry 

7G 


76  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

voices  of  the  spirits  of  controversy.  He  will 
be  fortunate,  indeed,  if  he  emerges  without 
having  fallen  over  some  hidden  trunk  of  po- 
litical tradition  or  pierced  his  flesh  with  the 
thorn  of  selfishness.  If,  however,  he  pro- 
ceeds calmly,  with  common  sense  and  un- 
biased judgment,  he  will  find  a  multitude  of 
things  of  substantial  value. 

This  metaphor  has  been  drawn  with  par- 
ticular care.  It  seeks  to  satisfy  the  lugu- 
briousness  of  the  man  with  a  predilection  to- 
wards funerals,  who  can  see  nothing  for  the 
Republic  but  dissolution.  It  also  aims  to 
strengthen  the  confidence  of  the  cheerful  op- 
timist with  Utopian  hopes  for  the  Republic's 
millennium,  whose  sole  contribution  toward 
that  outcome  is  words. 

Political  parties,  popular  notions  to  the 
contrary,  are  any  two  or  more  individuals 
acting  with  a  common  purpose.  The  size  of 
the  party  does  not  change  the  proposition,  it 
merely  extends  the  degree  of  influence. 

Political  organizations  are  the  standing 
committee  of  parties,  charged  with  their  in- 
ternal management  between  conventions  and 
during  campaigns. 

Bosses  are  persons  of  official  or  unofficial 
authority  in  party  organizations  whose  posi- 
tion is  due  to  their  own  capacity,  or  to  the 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     77 

quiescence  of  those  over  whom  their  influence 
extends. 

Patronage,  in  political  parlance,  refers  to 
appointments  to  public  office  by  an  executive, 
the  successful  candidate  of  a  party,  as  a 
reward  for  party  fealty. 

The  author  has  read  many  of  the  acknowl- 
edged leading  works  on  the  theory  and  prac- 
tice of  American  government.  The  great 
principles  have  been  set  forth  with  a 
skill,  knowledge,  and  embellishment  beyond 
his  capacities.  Our  literature  is  rich  in  dis- 
quisitions on  the  Constitution  and  the  Amer- 
ican system.  It  is  equally  rich  in  discussion 
of  present-day  problems.  Some  of  those 
problems  have  taken  the  form  of  practices 
not  anticipated  in  theory  and,  therefore,  may 
be  better  appreciated  by  people  familiar  with 
the  practices  when  expressed  in  the  language 
of  everyday  understanding. 

Everyone  knows  that  parties  were  formed 
almost  immediately  after  the  Constitution 
was  adopted.  People  do  not  always  ap- 
preciate that  those  parties  were  formed 
without  any  reference  to  the  laws  but 
as  a  result  of  the  inherent  differences  in 
men.  The  minds  of  some  men  are  sug- 
gestive, creative,  resourceful  in  expedient, 
and  bent  toward  the  satisfaction  of  accom- 


78  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

plishment.     The  minds  of  others  are  more 
timid,  more  conservative,  more  given  to  an- 
alysis, more  given  to  objection,  keener  in  de- 
scribing reasons  why  a  proposed  plan  should 
not  be  adopted  than  in  ability  to  suggest  an- 
other.   These  differences  make  political  par- 
ties.   They  apply  equally  to  principles  advo- 
cated or  the  best  methods  of  putting  them 
into  practice.    Add  to  this  the  disturbing  ef- 
fect of  ambitions,  the  struggle  for  personal 
gain,  the  conflict  of  motives,  the  differences 
in  moral  standard,  and  a  comparatively  satis- 
factory perspective  may  be  obtained.     The 
popular  understanding  of  party  springs  pri- 
marily   from   contact   with   the    established 
Democratic  and  Republican  parties,  or  with 
others  shorter  in  life  and  fewer  in  numbers. 
It  is  frequently  said  that  the  modern  politi- 
cal tendency  is  to  act  beyond  party  lines  and 
for  the  individual  to  be  governed  by  his  own 
preferences  more  than  by  the  suggestions  of 
anyone  else.  This  view  is  accurate  if  it  means 
that  men  are  less  inclined  than  heretofore  to 
think  and  act  within  the  lines  laid  down  in 
the  platform  utterances  of  those  parties.    It 
is  not  accurate  if  it  means  that  men  are  more 
inclined  to  act  regardless  of  any  party  affilia- 
tion, when  the  word  party  is  taken  in  the 
meaning  already  described.    If  an  individual 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     79 

insists  that  he  is  not  a  member  of  either  the 
democratic  or  republican  party,  he  then  is 
a  member  of  a  party  made  up  of  all  the  peo- 
ple who  do  not  believe  in  the  principles  ad- 
vocated by  either  of  these  two  parties.    This 
must  be  so,  because  if  not  in  accord  with  the 
principles  of  either  of  these  two,  he  is  op- 
posed to  them,  and  as  there  is  more  than 
one   in   such   opposition,   it   makes   another 
party.    It  cannot  be  that  outside  of  the  two 
great  established  parties  all  men  agree  among 
themselves,  and  they  therefore  break  up  into 
cliques   or  groups,   according  to  particular 
lines  of  thought,  and  these  groups  or  cliques 
later  develop  into  parties  with  the  customary 
committees,  leaders,  conventions,   and  plat- 
forms.   It  is  entirely  inaccurate,  politically, 
to  deduce  a  condition  of  mental  independence 
unless  you  know  that  after  having  broken 
one  allegiance  these  men  have  not  formed 
another.      If    having   broken    one    and    not 
formed  another   they  are   not   independent, 
they  are  purely  negative,  and,  therefore,  non- 
combatants  in  political  struggles.    To  go  even 
a  step  further,  these  non-combatants  likewise 
form  a  group,  and,  under  the  definition  given 
above,  a  party,  minus  only  the  visible  action 
from  which  physical  and  mental  vitality  could 
be  argued.    They  are  citizen  mannikins,  not 


80         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

necessarily  unpleasant  to  look  upon,  but  of 
no  value  whatever  to  the  Bepublic,  except  as 
examples  of  what  should  not  be  emulated. 
They  are  a  dead  weight  to  all  others.  They 
accept  with  complacency  the  benefits  of  citi- 
zenship, making  no  return  therefor.  They 
are  drones  in  the  hive.  By  virtue  of  their 
numbers  they  mathematically  reduce  the  ad- 
vantages that  ought  to  belong  to  the  rest. 
They  demand  police  protection,  when  as  a 
matter  of  fact  they  should  be  indicted,  con- 
victed by  the  jury  of  public  opinion,  and  sen- 
tenced to  expulsion  from  the  country.  Not 
to  exercise  the  right  of  franchise  should  en- 
tail its  loss. 

It  is  wise  to  urge  men  not  to  blindly  and 
servilely  follow  others.  It  stimulates  the 
mind  to  act  independently,  and  that  continued 
exercise  develops  strength  and  force.  If  in- 
dependence means  indifference,  however,  and 
justifies  the  acceptance  of  benefits  as  a  mat- 
ter of  right,  without  entailed  obligation  to 
others,  it  is  far  better  to  servilely  follow 
some  aggressive  and  moral  mind  engaged  in 
endeavoring  to  solve  the  problems  of  man- 
kind. 

When  men  argue  against  party  allegiance, 
they  really  argue  against  too  strict  an  alle- 
giance. 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     81 

Could  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  be 
assembled  once  a  year  in  a  single  room,  a 
majority  vote  would  be  sufficient  to  instruct 
their  lawmakers  and  administrators  for  the 
ensuing  year.  Unfortunately  this  cannot  be 
done.  In  order  to  create  concerted  action, 
men  of  the  same  beliefs,  in  whatever  part  of 
the  country  they  may  live,  must  send  repre- 
sentatives to  some  agreed  point  where  those 
representatives  may  construct  a  platform,  de- 
claring their  common  principles  and  provide 
ways  and  means  to  carry  them  to  a  fulfill- 
ment. Such  gatherings  constitute  a  conven- 
tion and  evidence  a  party.  The  authority 
delegated  by  that  convention  takes  the  form 
of  a  party  organization.  This  organization 
takes  charge  of  party  affairs  between  conven- 
tions and  arranges  for  and  has  charge  of  the 
conduct  of  campaigns.  All  this  is  very 
simple,  and  is  not  offered  with  the  slightest 
claim  for  novelty  in  discovery.  It  is  only 
presented  because  there  has  recently  been  an 
appeal  made  to  the  public  to  do  away  with 
conventions  as  something  inherently  wicked 
and  devised  for  robbing  the  people  of  their 
liberties,  and  as  an  institution  growing  solely 
out  of  t lie  machinations  of  evil-minded  men. 
The  facts  are  so  much  to  the  contrary  and 
the    reasons    for   a    political    convention    so 


82  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

simple  and  so  entirely  analogous  to  the  repre- 
sentative principles  in  our  government  that 
it  seems  necessary  to  reduce  it  to  its  final 
analysis,  so  that  it  may  be  entirely  clear 
to  the  most  educated  mind.  Simplicity  and 
directness  in  procedure  in  the  election  of 
delegates  to  conventions  is  an  entirely  differ- 
ent subject  for  investigation.  It  ought  not 
to  be,  but  is  the  fact  that  delegates  in  con- 
vention assembled  differ  physically,  mentally, 
socially,  educationally,  and  morally.  They 
even  differ  as  to  the  best  expressions  to  use 
in  stating  their  political  principles,  and  tem- 
peramentally differ  as  to  the  relative  impor- 
tance of  the  various  principles  they  meet  to 
declare.  This  results  in  precedence  among 
the  delegates  themselves  in  the  actual  work 
of  the  convention,  because  experience  and 
knowledge  of  themselves  create  influence. 
Supplement  this  with  the  factors  of  acquaint- 
ance and  friendship  and  you  have  all  the  ele- 
ments of  a  convention.  Other  features  are 
merely  expressions  of  human  weakness. 

Having  in  mind  the  adjectival  denunciation 
of  the  workings  of  conventions  and  the 
spasms  through  which  men  go  in  discussing 
them,  it  may  be  a  relief  to  understand  that 
bodies  of  men  gathered  in  political  conven- 
tions do  not  differ  from  similar  bodies  gath^ 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     83 

ered  for  other  purposes.     They  are  simply 
more  so. 

Heated  controversy  has  arisen  over  the 
method  of  electing  delegates  to  conventions. 
The  more  direct  and  primary  the  mode  of 
electing  delegates  may  be,  the  better  for  all 
concerned.  No  particular  plan  is  direct  and 
primary  simply  because  so  denominated.  The 
final  element  to  be  considered  must  always 
be  the  individual,  and  no  particular  plan  can 
be  ultimately  beneficial  which  is  not  devised 
with  full  knowledge  of  the  characteristics 
of  individuals.  The  primary  is  the  first 
visible  action  taken  which  leads  up  to  the 
convention  or  to  the  selection  of  party  man- 
agers. The  test  of  the  right  to  vote  at  the 
primaries  is  either  prescribed  in  the  rules 
and  regulations  of  the  party  itself,  or  pro- 
vided by  statute.  When  the  latter,  it  re- 
quires a  declaration  by  the  party  member  in 
some  official  way  stating  to  which  party  he 
belongs.  The  day  for  holding  the  primaries 
has  become  generally  a  matter  of  law  to  in- 
sure definiteness  and  equality  of  opportunity 
to  the  voters.  In  primary  reform  there  are 
two  things  that  must  be  accomplished  if  that 
reform  is  to  be  real.  First,  to  cause  the  in- 
dividual who  lias  the  right  to  vote  to  desire 
to  do  so,  and,  second,  to  induce  him  to  cany 


84         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

out  his  desire.  The  first  of  these  is  beyond 
the  possibilities  of  law  and  the  second  could 
only  be  approximately  accomplished  if  it  were 
possible  to  pass  a  law  which  provided  that 
if  a  man  did  not  vote  at  a  primary  he  lost 
his  right  to  do  so  thereafter.  This  might 
be  an  inducing  cause,  but  it  is  apparent  that 
it  would  be  impractical  and  might  be  uncon- 
stitutional, according  to  the  way  the  law  were 
drawn.  The  most  that  the  law  can  do  is  to 
simplify  the  method  of  voting.  Anything 
more  than  that  is  a  mere  question  of  human 
nature  and  the  willingness  to  act.  The  elec- 
tion of  delegates  at  a  primary  is  conducive 
to  less  excitement  than  the  conduct  of  a  con- 
vention; and  the  conduct  of  a  convention  of 
less  interest  than  a  general  election.  It 
should  be  different.  It  is  not.  To  borrow  a 
figure  already  used,  if  all  the  party  voters 
in  the  political  division  where  a  primary  is 
to  be  held  would  meet  in  a  single  room  and 
discuss  the  merits  of  the  persons  to  be  elected 
as  delegates  or  committee  members,  the  prob- 
lem would  be  easily,  expeditiously  settled, 
and  with  little  expense.  In  this  instance  there 
are  sufficiently  small  subdivisions  so  that  men 
could  do  it.  The  fact  is,  they  do  not.  The 
further  fact  is,  they  will  not.  There  must, 
therefore,  be  a  contest,  or,  if  not  one,  an 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     85 

acquiescence  in  election  of  persons  perfunc- 
torily nominated.  Assuming  a  contest,  some- 
one must  suggest  names  for  the  ticket.  That 
person  is  usually  the  local  district  leader. 
If  those  selections  are  not  to  be  acquiesced 
in,  someone  else  must  ask  someone  else  to 
meet  somewhere  and  agree  upon  a  set  of 
names  to  be  voted  for.  Who  is  to  do  that? 
Answer :  Anyone  who  wishes  to  and  will  take 
the  time  and  bear  the  expense.  Much  has 
already  been  done  for  the  primaries  by 
statute  in  the  State  of  New  York.  The 
statutes  covering  general  elections  contain 
many  regulations  providing  against  fraud  at 
the  polls.  Equally  careful  penal  provision 
covering  the  conduct  of  primaries  would  re- 
move most  of  the  objections  raised  against 
present  methods. 

The  recognition  of  these  few  general  prin- 
ciples of  primary  directness  would  do  much 
to  simplify  present  discussion. 

Delegating  to  a  committee  functions  to  be 
performed  theoretically  by  an  individual,  and 
then  requiring  the  ratification  of  the  commit- 
tee's work  by  all  the  individuals,  is  neither 
direct  nor  primary,  but  indirect  and  second- 
ary. 

One  thing  is  certain,  whatever  our  indi- 
vidual   suggestions   may   be   as   to   what   is 


86  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

needed  in  the  way  of  political  reform,  this 
reform,  in  order  to  be  practical  and  far-reach- 
ing, must  start  at  the  primaries.  The  first 
step  in  such  reform  must  be  a  belief  on  the 
part  of  every  voter  that  a  reform  is  needed. 
He  must  next  believe  it  is  his  duty  to  con- 
tribute toward  the  reform ;  thereafter  he  must 
so  contribute.  These  three  convictions  of 
mind,  even  under  the  disadvantages  of  the 
present  law,  will  work  more  for  reform  than 
an  ideally  perfect  law  will  work  without  them. 
The  common  possession  of  these  convictions 
will  bring  about  the  law. 

Speaking  very  generally,  Americans  are 
essentially  partisan.  They  like  contest ;  they 
take  sides  mentally  in  competitions  in  which 
they  do  not  participate;  in  any  matter  of 
general  understanding  they  argue  pro  and 
con  with  all  the  intensity  of  participants. 
They  are  free  with  advice  and  quick  in  op- 
position. They  are  rarely  passive  observers. 
Politically  they  have  these  same  character- 
istics. Their  interest  is  only  lessened  by 
their  meagerness  of  knowledge  of  the  points 
involved  and  a  belief  that  somewhere  there 
is  some  mystery.  This  idea  is  heightened 
by  the  virulent  discussions  they  hear  or  read, 
carried  on  by  people  who  are  supposed  to 
have  special  opportunities  for  information, 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     87 

and  a  peculiar  capacity  derived  from  that 
information  that  makes  the  efforts  of  anyone 
else  futile.  The  fact  is,  the  whole  thing  is 
simplicity  itself  when  subjected  to  the  slight- 
est analysis.  A  man,  an  idea,  a  vote — and 
the  problem  is  at  least  partly  solved.  A 
majority  of  men  acting  together,  a  majority 
of  votes — a  result  obtained. 

To  be  effective  the  desire  for  reform  must 
be  accompanied  by  visible  effort. 

In  politics  as  in  physics,  two  bodies  can- 
not occupy  the  same  space  simultaneously. 
To  secure  reform,  the  "  undesirable  citizen  " 
must  be  ousted  and  the  desirable  citizen  sub- 
stituted in  his  place.  A  desirable  citizen  is 
one  who  knows  conditions  from  his  personal 
contact  with  them,  who  understands  men 
from  genuine  brotherly  interest,  who  recog- 
nizes his  sacred  duty  to  the  State  and  is 
persistent  in  his  endeavors  to  perform  that 
duty.  This  calls  for  action,  action  means 
contest,  contest  means  votes,  a  majority  of 
votes  means  success. 

Criticism  without  effort  is  stupid.  Such 
stupidity  is  inexcusable.  Inaction  which 
makes  crime  possible  is  itself  criminal.  Men 
guilty  of  crime  should  be  deemed  political 
pariahs,  to  be  avoided  as  spreading  con- 
tagion.   No  sophistry  can  excuse  political  in- 


88  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ertia.  No  refinement  in  learned  discussion 
can  take  the  place  of  conduct. 

The  measure  of  a  man's  virtue,  spiritual  or 
political,  is  the  sacrifice  he  will  make  in  or- 
der to  live  up  to  his  principles.  The  test  of 
generosity  is  not  what  you  give,  but  what 
you  have  left. 

The  practical  management  of  political  or- 
ganizations has  a  direct  effect  on  the  con- 
fidence in  the  principles  declared  by  the  party 
whose  management  may  be  under  discussion. 
If  that  management  is  intelligent,  if  it  is 
conducive  to  putting  those  principles  into 
practice,  if  it  reflects  the  average  sentiment 
of  the  members  of  the  party,  it  is  commend- 
able and  useful.  If  it  is  employed  for  the 
personal  aggrandizement  of  those  in  posi- 
tions of  responsibility  and  mirrors  only  their 
individual  ideas,  its  utility  is  confined  to  the 
few  and  the  principles  of  the  party  suffer 
in  direct  consequence.  This  is  the  reason, 
but  ought  not  to  be,  why  criticism  of  party 
management  results  in  derogation  of  party 
principles.  This  is  a  reason  why  men  break 
their  party  allegiance,  but  need  not  be,  and 
leads  to  that  general  confusion  and  breaking 
of  party  lines  which  prevent  the  carry- 
ing out  of  platform  declarations.  This 
is  not  logical,  but  is  human,  it  is  a  fact. 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     89 

The  only  answer  possible  is  a  vote  at 
the  primaries  and  a  vote  on  election 
day.  After  party  managers  are  selected 
and  until  such  time  as  they  could  be  dis- 
placed by  a  vote  at  the  polls,  their  moral 
responsibility  for  the  principles  of  their 
party  must  be  judged  by  a  stricter  standard. 
They  have  now  become  trustees.  They  have 
been  unindividualized.  They  were  not  forced 
into  the  positions  they  hold,  and  they  have 
no  right  to  complain  if  their  cestui  qui  trust 
criticises  their  management  up  to  the  time 
when  such  management  can  be  changed  by 
votes.  If,  then,  the  management  is  not 
changed,  the  managers  have  a  right  to  as- 
sume that  their  conduct  has  met  with  ap- 
proval. The  degree  of  opposition  demon- 
strates the  degree  of  disapproval.  Politics 
is  a  man's  game,  not  a  child's.  It  requires 
the  courage  of  convictions ;  it  waves  aside  the 
protest  of  words  and  demands  the  protest  of 
the  ballot;  it  respects  philosophy  and  learn- 
ing; it  responds  to  conduct. 

It  is  inherent  in  character  for  men  of  simi- 
lar beliefs  to  congregate.  It  is  equally  inher- 
ent for  them  to  have  faith  in  their  represent- 
atives chosen  by  themselves  until  such  repre- 
sentatives prove  unworthy  of  trust.  Organi- 
zation and  the  centering  of  responsibility  has 


90  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

become  an  affirmative  force  in  every  activity 
of  life.  It  is  so  in  politics,  naturally.  It  is 
more  so  in  politics  because  in  politics  there 
is  not  only  the  native  inclination  but  the 
clearly  defined  example  of  commercial  and 
industrial  life.  There  is  no  justification  for 
being  startled  and  outraged,  therefore,  in 
finding  such  a  high  degree  of  influence  exer- 
cised by  individuals  in  party  management. 
The  surprise  would  be  justified  if  the  reverse 
condition  existed. 

When  men  in  responsible  positions  of 
party  management  are  truly  representative, 
they  are  in  name  and  fact  leaders.  These 
leaders  are  entitled  to  commendation,  ap- 
plause, and  all  proper  honor  to  which  the 
party  may  see  fit  to  advance  them.  When 
they  deviate  from  the  standard  of  leadership 
and  reflect  only  their  personal  opinions  and 
exercise  their  delegated  authority  without 
reference  to  their  representative  capacity, 
they  are  properly  designated  as  bosses,  with 
all  the  opprobrium  attached  to  that  word.  It 
does  not  mean  necessarily  that  a  man  is  a 
boss  because  he  is  called  a  boss.  The  reasons 
for  his  conduct  are  not  always  known.  Am- 
bitions that  might  have  been  satisfied  through 
his  aid  and  without  which  remain  unfulfilled 
frequently  are  the  first  cause  for  criticism. 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     91 

The  assistance  which  a  political  leader  can 
render  through  his  wide  acquaintance  in 
the  representative  position  he  occupies 
forces  many  demands  upon  him.  His  ability 
to  bring  about  nominations,  his  endorse- 
ments, which  secure  appointments,  and  the 
multitude  of  instances  in  which  he  may  be- 
stow favor  render  him  peculiarly  liable  to 
attack.  When  party  feeling  is  not  running 
high  the  personal  equation  is  apt  to  control. 
AVhen  the  number  of  disappointed  exceeds  the 
number  who  anticipate  personal  advantage, 
the  so-called  boss  is  dethroned.  This  leaves 
out  of  consideration  the  question  of  financial 
honesty.  Because  of  the  very  number  of  op- 
portunities to  make  money  from  his  knowl- 
edge of  conditions  and  his  demand  for  recip- 
rocation of  favors  conferred,  the  leader,  or, 
rather  the  boss,  is  liable  to  a  severer  criti- 
cism than  that  accorded  men  in  a  less  public 
position  and  with  less  responsibility.  This 
may  or  may  not  be  just.  It  is  a  fact.  It  is 
a  risk  that  the  leader  or  boss  assumes,  and 
one  which  it  is  childish  and  unmanly  for  him 
to  seek  to  avoid.  A  common  sense  view  taken 
of  the  conduct  of  leaders  and  bosses  would 
remove  much  of  the  hysteria  that  attaches 
to  the  use  of  these  two  words. 

The  author  aims  to  argue  in  favor  of  the 


92         COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

principles  of  organization  and  their  prac- 
tice. He  recognizes  possible  and  actual 
abuses,  deprecates  them,  but  believes  that 
those  abuses  are  not  inherent  in  the  principle 
itself,  but  merely  in  the  human  agents  some- 
times selected  to  carry  out  those  principles. 
The  stigma  attaching  to  these  individuals 
should  be  confined  to  them  and  not  accorded 
to  the  entire  body,  of  which  they  are  but  a 
part. 

When  leaders  and  bosses  resent  and  be- 
come peevish  at  criticism  which  is  not  merely 
captious  but  emanates  from  members  of  their 
own  party,  they  justify  that  criticism.  A 
democrat  is  always  violently  disturbed  by 
the  internal  condition  of  the  republicans;  a 
republican  with  equal  frankness  criticises 
and  satirizes  the  internal  management  of  the 
democratic  party.  This  is  for  the  benefit  of 
the  general  public.  By  the  same  sign  one 
opposed  to  both  of  these  parties  criticises  the 
management  of  each  and  by  contrast  seeks  to 
build  up  another  party  on  a  different  declara- 
tion of  principles.  On  account  of  their  promi- 
nence individuals  receive  much  of  the  criti- 
cism directed  against  parties  of  which  they 
are  members,  and  which  is  really  intended 
for  the  parties. 

The  distribution  of  appointments  to  office 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     1)3 

by  an  executive  furnishes  a  direct  leverage 
over  the  conduct  of  organizations  which  may 
almost  prove  a  controlling  force.  As  the  in- 
dividual voter  in  a  party  organization  looks 
toward  his  immediate  local  leader  as  the 
means  for  his  personal  preferment,  so  the 
local  leader  looks  to  him  next  higher  in  au- 
thority as  his  means  of  advancement.  So 
on  through  the  various  steps  of  precedence 
and  authority  does  each  one  look  to  his  su- 
perior until  the  one  in  highest  authority  is 
brought  in  contact  with  the  person  with 
power  of  appointment.  When  a  candidate 
nominated  in  convention  accepts  such  nomi- 
nation upon  a  platform  of  declared  principles 
it  is  only  naturally  expected  that  he  will 
make  appointments  from  among  those  hav- 
ing the  same  political  beliefs.  Whether  logi- 
cal or  not,  whether  wise  or  not,  this  has  come 
to  be  a  common  understanding.  If  it  is  not 
the  intention  of  the  to-be-executive  to  act 
in  accordance  with  that  understanding  he 
should  not  accept  the  nomination,  unless  first 
declaring  a  different  position. 

The  executive  thus  elected,  whether  in  a 
state  or  the  nation,  holds  no  office  as  a  rule, 
and  certainly  not  while  President,  in  the  so- 
called  party  organization.  It  would  be  fool- 
Mi  to  claim  that  if  such  executive  could  not 


94  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

find  among  the  members  of  his  own  party  a 
man  fit  to  fill  a  particular  public  office  he 
would  not  be  entitled  to  go  beyond  the  party 
lines  in  making  a  selection.  When  he  does 
so,  he  should  give  the  real  reason  for  so  do- 
ing, and  if  that  reason  is  sound  it  will  be 
accepted  by  party  members  with  even  a 
modicum  of  common  sense. 

It  frequently  happens  that  in  the  conduct 
of  an  election  groups  of  men  not  previously 
affiliated  with  a  particular  party,  and  refer- 
ring now  to  the  successful  one,  have  aided 
that  party  for  reasons  of  their  own  by  their 
votes,  and  even  may  have  proved  a  determin- 
ing factor  in  the  result.  Speaking  from  the 
tenets  of  the  doctrine  of  party  advantage, 
it  is  proper  that  the  confidence  in  such  men 
should  be  shown  by  sometimes  appointing 
them  to  office.  If  that  appointment  is  used  by 
the  appointee  to  the  disadvantage  of  those 
with  whom  he  is  newly  affiliated  there  is  just 
ground  for  complaint.  If  his  new  official 
position  is  made  the  instrument  for  keeping 
alive  the  principles  of  another  party  at 
variance  with  the  one  of  his  adoption, 
he  is  inconsistent  and  the  appointment 
thus  made  fails  to  accomplish  its  intended 
effect. 

In  the  matter  of  endorsements  by  party 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     95 

leaders  for  public  appointments  by  an  ex- 
ecutive there  appears  at  once  the  terrify- 
ing shibboleth  of  party  regularity.  Aca- 
demically, party  regularity  should  be  con- 
sidered that  consistency  of  conduct  and  per- 
sistency in  it  which  tends  toward  the  estab- 
lishment of  common  political  principles  and 
their  carrying  into  effect  by  legislation  and 
administration.  Practically,  regularity  de- 
pends upon  the  personal  attitude  of  the  par- 
ticular leader  toward  the  particular  person 
who  seeks  preferment.  Judgment  is  fallible, 
and  it  is  too  much  always  to  expect  that  a 
party  leader  in  awarding  his  endorsement 
should  not  seek  an  endorsee  who  bears  the 
test  of  orthodoxy  in  party  principles  and  at 
the  same  time  will  act  in  particular  co-opera- 
tion with  the  leader  who  gives  his  endorse- 
ment. This  ought  not  to  be,  but  is,  and  al- 
ways will  be  in  greater  or  less  degree  as  long 
as  endorsements  have  any  influence  whatever 
in  securing  appointments.  Influence  in  se- 
curing appointments  magnifies  according  to 
the  degree  of  desire  for  appointment.  The 
use  of  patronage  is  frequently  employed  as 
the  reward  for  personal  favor  and  personal 
service  rendered,  as  well  as  a  means  of  pun- 
ishment of  those  who  have  dared  to  differ 
from  particular  leaders  in  their  opinion  as 


96  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

to  what  would  best  conduce  to  party  suc- 
cess. 

The  potential  power  of  appointment  to 
public  office  is  so  enormous  that  party  organi- 
zations respond  to  it  directly,  and  those  who 
may  not  agree  with  its  particular  exercise 
find  themselves  only  in  the  penumbra  of 
events,  shadowed  by  the  lack  of  official  favor. 
There  is  no  reason  why  an  executive  who 
necessarily  cannot  by  personal  knowledge  be 
familiar  with  the  capacities  and  party  loy- 
alty of  every  individual  should  not  consult 
and  confer  with  party  leaders  who  either 
have  that  knowledge  or  are  in  a  position  to 
obtain  it.  There  is  every  reason  why  an  en- 
dorsement of  a  particular  candidate  to  an 
executive  by  a  party  leader  should  not  be 
considered  as  final  by  the  executive.  The 
executive  is  more  familiar  with  the  charac- 
teristics and  talent  demanded  to  be  possessed 
by  the  man  to  be  appointed  and  he  has  a 
right  to  request  and  demand  from  those  who 
certify  names  to  him  that  they  represent  in- 
dividuals possessed  of  the  capacities  required 
in  the  judgment  of  the  executive.  Not  to  ac- 
cept this  theory  is  to  make  an  executive  a 
rubber-stamp  official,  to  reduce  his  influence 
in  the  estimation  of  the  observing  public  and 
to  bring  ridicule  upon  the  party  for  which 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     !J7 

he  stands.  Undue  addiction  to  indiscrimi- 
nate endorsements  to  the  executive  by  party 
leaders  leads  logically  to  the  development  of 
the  principle  of  civil  service,  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  which  it  was  thought  there  could 
be  no  possible  bearing  on  the  carrying  out 
of  party  principles,  which  were  subjected  to 
a  line  of  demarcation  and  appointments  made 
after  a  competitive  examination.  That  prin- 
ciple carried  to  extremes  defeats  its  own  pur- 
poses, and  somewhere  within  the  limits  of 
advocacy  is  a  common  sense  mean  which  will 
at  least  assist  in  a  solution  of  these  problems, 
honesty  always  to  be  assumed. 

Public  preferment  as  a  reward  for  per- 
sonal service  and  not  party  service  is  a  para- 
dox. What  is  party  service  and  what  is  per- 
sonal service  remains  for  determination  in 
each  specific  case.  Its  wise  determination 
does  much  to  prevent  those  personal  antago- 
nisms which,  starting  in  disappointment,  as- 
sume the  light  of  a  party  controversy  and 
often  result  in  militating  against  the  carry- 
ing out  of  party  principles.  The  feature  of 
personality  thus  frequently  is  the  real  issue 
when  another  is  stated,  and  is  equally  im- 
portant in  political  discussions,  as  far  as 
party  management  is  concerned. 

Some  years  ago  in  the  City  of  New  York 


98  COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

a  primary  contest  was  held  and  opposition 
developed  to  the  local  district  leader  because 
he  held  the  position  of  executive  member 
(leader)  and  chairman  of  the  assembly  dis- 
trict committee.  It  was  charged  that  was 
too  great  a  concentration  of  authority  and 
prevented  the  proper  development  of  the  dis- 
trict organization.  The  leader  of  the  opposi- 
tion was  successful,  and  immediately  was 
elected  to  fill  these  two  positions  as  had  his 
predecessor.  The  result  was  satisfactory  to 
the  majority  of  the  voters  because  they  pre- 
ferred the  personal  qualities  of  the  new  in- 
cumbent to  those  of  the  old  one.  Not  even 
a  humorous  reference  was  made  to  the  in- 
consistency of  the  result.  It  is  not  remark- 
able that  the  judgment  of  a  political  leader 
should  be  warped  by  the  flattery  of  his 
friends  and  adulation  of  those  who  expect  to 
profit  through  his  assistance.  He  is  supposed 
to  reflect  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  his 
subordinate  leaders;  if  he  does  not,  and  he 
insists  upon  his  own  at  the  expense  of  theirs, 
and  the  result  of  a  nomination  made  by  him 
proves  unsuccessful,  he  need  not  be  surprised 
if  opposition  develops  at  the  next  primary. 
The  local  leaders  who  surrendered  their  own 
opinions,  which  they  believed  were  right,  the 
results  justifying  their  belief,  need  not  be 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE     99 

surprised  if  they  perceive  a  waning  confi- 
dence in  their  judgment  among  their  follow- 
ers. A  leader  to  insure  the  continuance  of 
his  authority  must  be  able  to  sense  in  ad- 
vance two  things :  the  majority  opinion  of  his 
followers  and  the  majority  opinion  of  the 
voters  on  election  day. 

The  continued  exercise  of  authority  by  an 
individual  warps  his  own  judgment,  unless 
he  is  prepared  to  be  guided  in  a  substantial 
degree  by  the  majority  sentiment  of  his  sub- 
ordinate leaders.  Of  the  number  entitled  by 
registration  to  vote  on  election  day,  a  con- 
siderable fraction  fails  to  exercise  the  right. 
Of  those  who  are  entitled  by  enrollment  to 
vote  at  the  primaries  an  inconsiderable  frac- 
tion actually  votes.  It  therefore  happens 
that  the  use  of  patronage,  that  is,  the  activi- 
ties of  men  holding  public  office,  contributes 
in  the  largest  degree  to  success  at  the  pri- 
maries. Men  who  recognize  an  obligation  to 
their  leader  for  assistance  in  procuring  them 
office  are  apt  to  respond  to  the  leader's  re- 
quest to  canvass  the  enrolled  voters  and  in- 
duce them  to  vote.  Unless  some  important 
question  is  to  be  voted  upon  at  a  convention, 
or  there  is  an  active  contest  by  candidates 
for  delegates  to  gain  an  important  nomina- 
tion, the  primaries  practically  go  by  default. 


100        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

As  local  leaders  are  expected  to  elect  dele- 
gates who  will  follow  in  convention  the  wishes 
of  those  of  acknowledged  authority  in  the 
organization,  their  success  in  securing  such 
delegates  establishes  their  own  position  with 
those  in  authority.  When  they  are  in  accord 
with  the  policy  at  the  head  of  the  organiza- 
tion, they  are  in  a  position  to  call  for  the 
assistance  of  that  leader  in  securing  endorse- 
ments for  the  appointment  of  their  subordi- 
nates, who  in  turn  are  the  measure  of  their 
own  strength.  The  relations  of  the  head  of 
the  organization  with  an  executive  who  has 
appointing  power  are  important,  not  only  for 
his  continuance  in  influence,  but  to  all  those 
who  admittedly  act  in  concert  with  him. 
Through  the  whole  gamut  of  primary  activity 
runs  the  question  of  patronage. 

Academically,  this  ought  not  to  be  so; 
actually,  it  is.  It  always  will  be  in  some 
degree  as  long  as  a  service  rendered  to  some- 
one else  can  bring  an  advantage  to  the  per- 
son who  renders  it.  An  ideal  but  impossible 
condition  this  side  of  heaven  would  be  where 
every  man  preferred  to  have  nothing  him- 
self, and  thought  of  other  people  before  his 
mind  was  allowed  to  dwell  upon  his  own  de- 
sire. To  expect  this  condition  other  than 
approximately  is  to  waste  time  in  thinking 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE-  im: 

of  it.  When  any  man  has  succeeded  in  elect- 
ing his  immediate  friends  and  co-believers  as 
delegates  from  any  particular  subdivision  to 
a  larger  one,  he  becomes  in  popular  parlance 
"  the  head  of  the  delegation."  He  is  con- 
sulted as  to  his  and  their  vote,  it  being  as- 
sumed that  they  will  act  in  concert.  The 
practical  endeavor  is  to  secure  patronage  and 
distribute  it  with  fair  equality  among  the 
various  local  districts,  say,  in  a  county.  If 
the  appointees  are  men  who  receive  their  re- 
ward exclusively  on  account  of  personal  serv- 
ice rendered  to  the  local  leader  in  carrying 
the  primaries,  the  organization  becomes 
purely  personal  and  represents  nothing  but 
a  combination  of  self-interests. 

An  equally  valid  claim  for  preferment 
arises  from  efforts  made  to  elect  can- 
didates by  services  during  a  campaign. 
Such  appointments  are  of  real  advan- 
tage to  the  party  and  are  recognized 
by  discriminating  leaders.  Unfortunately, 
political  issues  are  not  always  so  clearly 
drawn  that  men  aggressively  divide  re- 
garding them.  The  nearer  those  questions 
approach  merely  to  that  of  administration, 
the  nearer  is  the  contest  one  between  the  ins 
and  outs.  If  at  the  primaries  delegates  were 
to  be  elected  to  a  convention  which  was  to 


102        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

decide  whether  the  party  were  to  instruct  its 
members  in  Congress  to  vote  for  or  against 
a  declaration  of  war,  men's  minds  would  be 
centered  on  that  proposition  and  not  on  pat- 
ronage. When  the  questions  involved  are 
confined  chiefly  to  the  wisdom  or  unwisdom 
of  administration,  which  does  not  attract  so 
much  general  attention,  recourse  is  had  to 
the  traditions  of  the  party  for  the  purpose 
of  interjecting  some  sentimental  element 
with  which  to  arouse  public  interest. 

When  party  influence  and  party  leadership 
are  used  as  the  inducing  cause  to  force  the 
incumbent  of  public  office  to  act  contrary  to 
his  opinion  of  right  or  wrong  regarding  what 
is  really  a  principle  and  not  a  non-essential, 
they  are  subversive  of  good  government. 
Parties  are  judged  by  their  representatives 
in  public  office.  Credit  for  wise  appointments 
should  be  given  to  the  party  at  large  as  well 
as  to  the  individual  who  appoints.  The  op- 
probrium of  unwise  appointment  should  be 
borne  by  the  party  at  large,  but  is  usually 
charged  to  the  executive  alone. 

No  special  claim  for  wisdom  is  made  by 
the  author  in  these  discursive  comments. 
These  are  matters  of  common  knowledge.  It 
seemed  wise,  however,  to  indulge  in  a  mod- 
erate analysis  to  show  how  political  questions 


PARTIES,  BOSSES,  AND  PATRONAGE  103 

are  affected  by  the  personal  equation,  as  are 
all  other  questions  pertaining  to  human  life, 
and  how  main  issues  may  be  obscured  without 
this  knowledge. 

With  these  facts  in  mind  and  the  ballot  in 
hand  any  voter  can  contribute  toward  a  bet- 
terment of  conditions,  and  the  degree  of  im- 
provement will  be  in  direct  ratio  with  the 
degree  of  intelligent  effort  and  time  em- 
ployed. 

There  is  no  magic  or  witchcraft  involved 
in  any  of  these  points  discussed.  They  are 
merely  human  nature  in  individuals  empha- 
sized by  temperament  and  reflected  in  the 
light  of  a  particular  circumstance.  They  all 
yield  to  common  sense  analysis  and  common 
sense  conduct.  A  question  decided  in  anger 
is  never  solved.  A  knowledge  of  fundamen- 
tals in  politics  or  otherwise  is  a  necessary 
preliminary  to  a  wise  conclusion.  If  the  con- 
clusions do  not  follow  logically  from  the 
premises,  they  are  not  conclusions,  but  mere 
opinions.  Political  parties,  political  organi- 
zations, bosses,  patronage,  are  only  indicia 
of  a  system  of  government  depending  upon 
the  wishes  of  the  people  expressed  by  means 
of  a  ballot.  If  there  is  no  ballot  cast  there 
is  no  adequately  expressed  wish.  Logic  or 
il logic,  wisdom  or  unwisdom,  selfishness  or 


104        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

unselfishness,  political  morality  or  political 
immorality,  the  ballot  is  the  final  arbiter  and 
the  majority  of  those  ballots  show  the  com- 
posite of  American  opinion  and  conduct. 


REFORM,  REFORMERS,  AND 
REMEDIAL  LEGISLATION 


V 


REFORM,  REFORMERS,  AND 
REMEDIAL  LEGISLATION 

Reform  is  a  betterment  of  conditions ;  a  re- 
former is  a  man  who  endeavors  to  secure 
that  betterment;  remedial  legislation  is  one 
of  the  means  employed  to  effect  reform.  Not 
counting  those  in  jail,  there  are  few  men  who 
would  declare  they  did  not  desire  reform. 
There  is  hardly  a  condition  in  human  experi- 
ence that  is  accepted  as  a  finality.  The  laws 
governing  health  are  subject  to  constant 
change  owing  to  the  advance  of  science ;  edu- 
cational methods  and  systems  are  daily  im- 
proving as  the  result  of  study,  and  our  public 
school  system  is  superior  to  many  of  the 
colleges  of  a  century  ago;  modes  of  trans- 
portation, the  transmission  of  information, 
the  development  of  industry,  life  incident  to 
crowded  communities,  all  these  are  contin- 
ually creating  new  conditions,  and  those  new 
conditions  call  for  new  provisions  and  regu- 
lations.    These   lead   up   to   a   demand   for 

107 


108        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

further  reform.  Essentially,  therefore,  every 
man  is  a  reformer.  This  deduction  applies 
as  much  to  questions  within  the  realm  of 
politics  as  elsewhere. 

The  word  "  reformer,"  however,  in 
everyday  conversation  has  acquired  a  sig- 
nificance which  is  not  fair  or  just,  and 
which  does  harm  to  the  general  idea 
of  reform  itself.  A  reformer  is  sometimes 
thought  of  as  a  busybody,  mingling  in 
every  other  person's  affairs  and  endeavoring 
to  create  a  general  disturbance  for  his  own 
advantage.  This  has  been  brought  about 
largely  by  the  heat  of  political  controversy, 
and  largely  by  the  fact  that  some  men  who 
devote  themselves  honestly  to  the  public  wel- 
fare and  become  intensely  interested  in  one 
particular  line  of  thought,  do  not  understand 
why  others  with  less  information  do  not  in- 
stantly follow  their  lead.  This  is  due  not 
to  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  conditions 
sought  to  be  reformed  but  of  the  elements 
of  human  nature  incident  to  the  controversy. 
It  does  not  aid  reform  for  a  reformer  to 
assert  that  the  man  who  opposes  him  is  an 
obstructionist  inimical  to  the  morals  of  re- 
form and  of  unclean  motive.  This  is  as  im- 
proper as  it  is  for  others  in  their  controversy 
with  the  reformer  to  dodge  the  real  issues 


REFORM  AND  REFORMERS  109 

and  oppose  the  proposed  reform  because  they 
do  not  happen  to  like  the  proposed  reform's 
advocate.  On  account  of  the  multitude  of 
human  activities  and  the  variety  of  interests 
in  a  community,  reforms,  as  a  rule,  come 
singly  and  are  the  natural  evolution  of  ex- 
perience. 

It  may  be  discovered,  as  was  recently  the 
case  in  New  York  City,  that  numbers  of  petty 
merchants  were  selling  from  undersized 
measures  and  doctored  weights.  That  sub- 
ject has  been  taken  up  by  itself,  a  more  thor- 
ough inspection  ordered,  false  weights  and 
measures  destroyed,  and  endeavors  made  to 
inaugurate  a  more  honest  system.  That  par- 
ticular reform  was  not  held  in  abeyance  un- 
til the  cumbersome  system  of  taxation  in  the 
City  of  New  York  could  be  remodeled.  An 
abuse  may  be  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
public  as  to  the  manner  in  which  a  chattel 
mortgage  is  foreclosed  upon  the  sewing  ma- 
chine of  a  poor  woman.  Public  indignation 
is  properly  aroused  and  a  reform  in  the  pro- 
cedure of  the  foreclosure  of  chattel  mort- 
gages is  demanded.  While  this  demand  is 
going  on,  however,  the  general  public  only 
has  in  mind  the  particular  incident,  we  will 
say,  an  extreme  case  of  hardship.  The  pub 
lie  willingly  follows  the  lead  of  the  reformer 


110        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

and  demands  a  new  law,  although  that  re- 
former is  seeking  a  statute  which  repeals 
the  procedure  of  a  number  of  years  and  sub- 
stitutes a  new  method  unduly  intricate.  It 
may  be  that  this  very  intricacy  prevents  the 
sale  of  machines  to  persons  who  can  only 
purchase  by  installment.  The  fact  is  over- 
looked that  in  the  incident  under  discussion 
the  brutality  may  not  lie  in  the  law  but  in 
the  agent  who  executed  it  without  any  con- 
sideration whatever  for  human  feelings. 
The  result  of  this  may  be  the  passage  of 
legislative  enactment  which  in  experience 
proves  cumbersome,  later  requires  an  amend- 
ment, and  gradually  goes  back  to  the  original 
situation  or  worse. 

An  honest  desire  to  perfect  a  reform 
with  the  best  motives  in  mind,  hastening 
to  an  accomplishment  without  thorough 
study  of  a  sufficient  number  of  special 
cases  thus  often  does  not  prove  of  substan- 
tial benefit.  As  a  rule  no  law  furnishes  a 
generally  permanent  benefit  which  is  not  con- 
sequent upon  the  most  careful  examination 
and  study  of  the  entire  field  in  which  the 
single  incident  has  attracted  the  public  at- 
tention. Unless  the  general  public  has  pe- 
culiar cognizance  of  the  demand  for  change, 
the  law  becomes  without  effect,  its  enforce- 


REFORM  AND  REFORMERS  111 

ment  a  cause  of  irritation,  and  its  non-en- 
forcement a  positive  moral  harm. 

In  political  activities  reforms  are  thought 
of  chiefly  in  connection  with  administra- 
tion. The  development  of  corporations  and 
the  tremendous  changes  they  have  brought 
about  in  commercial  enterprises,  the  fierce- 
ness of  competition,  has  resulted  in  combina- 
tions in  business,  which,  growing  out 
of  the  desire  for  a  speedy  accumula- 
tion, has  affected  the  price  of  com- 
modities in  greatest  demand  by  persons 
of  more  limited  means.  Practices  of  this 
nature  are  most  difficult  to  deal  with. 
There  are  on  the  one  hand  to  be  considered 
the  rights  of  contract  and  property  and  on 
the  other  hand  the  modification  of  modes  of 
life,  which  necessarily  are  changed  by  the 
inability  to  purchase  and  have  at  prices  to 
which  people  have  been  long  accustomed.  In 
the  fierceness  of  these  discussions  it  is  diffi- 
cult for  the  general  public  to  understand 
where  the  real  equities  are,  after  being 
aroused  by  agitation  to  a  point  of  angry 
protest.  This,  if  it  lasts  until  election  day, 
results  in  the  selection  of  legislators  pledged 
to  extreme  modification,  which  would  ulti- 
mately be  as  detrimental  as  the  conditions 
sought  to  be  improved. 


112        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

It  has  been  stated  before  in  these  pages 
that  the  thing  most  difficult  of  accomplish- 
ment in  American  political  life  is  to  have 
the  mind  of  all  the  public  directed  to  a  single 
thought  at  the  same  time.  Except  in  cases 
of  positive  national  danger  this  rarely  occurs. 
It  naturally  follows  that  from  time  to  time 
men  pursuing  their  ordinary  desire  for 
change,  look  about  to  discover  an  excuse  for 
a  possible  reform.  The  discovery  they  make 
may  or  may  not  be  of  a  serious  nature.  To 
enable  them  to  carry  out  their  plans  and 
have  the  satisfaction  of  accomplishing  the 
reform,  it  is  necessary  to  persuade  the  people 
that  they  are  abused.  Many  are  thus  made 
unhappy  and  discontented  who  were  living 
in  a  manner  comparatively  satisfactory  to 
themselves,  and  who  were  unconscious  of  the 
disability  with  which  it  was  claimed  they 
were  affected.  It  is  a  peculiarity  of  the 
forced  reform  that  the  man  who  brings  it 
about  usually  demands  his  reward  at  once  at 
the  hands  of  the  public,  and  that  reward  is 
frequently  in  the  form  of  public  office.  There 
is  no  objection  to  this  even,  providing  there 
was  a  real  wrong  to  be  righted,  a  real  abuse 
to  be  remedied,  and  the  mode  of  appeal  to 
the  public  was  truthful  and  temperate.  It 
is  impossible  to  expect  perfection,  and  little 


REFORM  AND  REFORMERS  113 

would  be  accomplished  if  there  was  not  some- 
where some  hope  of  reward.  Usually  there 
are  sufficient  thoughtful,  resourceful  men  in 
a  community  with  means,  given  to  the  broad 
study  of  conditions,  and  who  are  prepared 
to  give  the  wisest  conclusions  from  their  in- 
vestigations. These  broad-minded  philan- 
thropists furnish  the  sieve  through  which  are 
sifted  the  incongruities  which  grow  out  of 
agitation  and  the  seeking  of  too  speedy  re- 
sults. 

In  densely  crowded  centers  the  demand  for 
reform  legislation  is  of  almost  daily  occur- 
rence. Regulations  as  to  the  construction  of 
buildings,  provisions  to  prevent  fire,  protec- 
tion of  the  public  safety  against  criminals,  or- 
dinances governing  traffic  and  violation  of 
the  laws  of  health,  all  these  and  a  hundred 
others  are  constantly  demanding  thought  and 
remedy.  The  opportunities  they  present  for 
unwise  agitation  equally  demand  thoughtful 
and  serious  consideration.  Usually  the  exist- 
ing laws,  almost  forgotten,  or  their  execution 
left  in  abeyance,  would  suffice.  The  inclina- 
tion toward  novelty  demands  new  regulations 
which  of  themselves  must  be  experimental. 
There  is  thus  continuously  a  state  of  resl 
lessness  full  both  of  harm  and  advantage. 
The  time  of  legislators,  apart  from  that  they 


114        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

should  give  in  perfecting  the  laws  regarding 
the  administration  of  the  great  departments 
of  the  State,  is  encroached  upon  not  only 
with  demands  for  specific  enactments,  but  for 
decision  as  between  a  variety  of  remedies 
suggested.  The  limit  is  reached  when  the 
question  is  asked  not  whether  a  particular 
remedy  shall  be  applied  to  an  existing  evil, 
but  whose  remedy  shall  be  adopted.  Many 
a  valuable  proposed  reform  has  been  de- 
feated by  unwise  advocacy.  Many  an  alleged 
reform  that  later  proves  to  be  insufficient  has 
been  put  upon  the  books  through  the  honest 
but  unwise  advocacy  of  men  whose  charac- 
ters stood  the  test  of  sincerity. 

In  making  these  comments  the  writer  can 
accomplish  nothing  more  than  to  direct  his 
reader's  attention  to  a  general  situation  in 
the  hope  that  in  all  efforts  toward  reform 
every  thoughtful  man  will  give  his  best  en- 
deavors with  calm  and  discriminating  judg- 
ment, aided  thereto  by  a  possibly  clearer 
knowledge  of  the  motives  of  the  men  inter- 
ested. Many  of  the  best  reforms  experienced 
by  the  public  have  been  the  result  of  honest 
ambitions  of  men  in  competition  for  the  ap- 
proval of  the  public.  It  is  not  consistent  for 
political  parties  to  exclusively  claim  the  right 
to  inaugurate  and  institute  reforms  and  to 


REFORM  AND  REFORMERS  115 

criticise  the  efforts  of  those  outside  the  or- 
ganization any  more  than  it  is  for  those  who 
are  outside  to  charge  existing  conditions  ex- 
clusively to  the  party  which  may  be  domi- 
nant at  that  particular  time. 

It  is  popular  to  assert  that  this  or 
that  question  should  be  kept  out  of  poli- 
tics. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  under  a  system  of  un- 
restricted male  franchise,  all  questions  prac- 
tically, apart  from  religion,  are  political 
questions.  Even  the  question  of  taxation  of 
church  property  through  assessments  for  im- 
provements is  a  political  question,  because 
that  policy  has  to  be  determined  by  the  voter 
who  expresses  his  opinion  through  his  repre- 
sentative in  the  legislature.  The  question  of 
j)rotection  of  the  public  health,  while  not  a 
party  question  at  all,  is  a  political  question. 
The  inspector  who  examines  a  spot  of  con- 
tagion is  appointed  by  a  mayor  who  is  se- 
lected through  the  medium  of  the  ballot.  The 
fire-escape,  means  of  safety  at  the  moment 
of  conflagration,  is  inspected  by  a  man  sub- 
ordinate to  an  official  appointed  or  elected. 
The  price  of  commodities  is  affected  politi- 
cally in  so  far  that  voters  are  to  pass  upon 
the  selection  of  legislators  who  are  to  pass 
laws  governing  combinations  which  seek  to 


116        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

control  prices.  Until  the  people  appreciate 
these  simple  facts  and  understand  what  is 
almost  too  evident  to  require  statement,  that 
laws  are  made  by  men  and  enforced  by  men 
and  the  makers  and  enforcers  are  selected 
by  other  men  casting  their  ballots,  there  can 
be  no  genuine  reform.  It  is  most  desirable 
that  individuals  or  parties  or  associations  or 
organizations  of  whatever  kind  should  busy 
themselves  in  the  study  of  conditions  capa- 
ble of  improvement.  It  is  desirable  that 
the  facts  brought  out  by  such  investigation 
should  be  constantly  kept  before  the  public 
mind  and  the  public  constantly  called  upon 
to  pass  its  judgment  upon  them.  All  this  is 
a  part  of  the  doctrine  and  practice  of  self- 
government.  Mental  and  moral  and  political 
enervation  prevent  not  only  progress  but 
even  the  demand  for  reform.  There  is  a 
wide  distinction  between  reform  and  a  re- 
former, whether  the  alleged  reformer  is  as- 
sociated with  a  political  party  or  not.  In 
popular  discussion  there  is  a  clear  difference 
between  a  reformer  and  a  person  interested 
in  the  reform.  This  latter  distinction  comes, 
not  illogically,  from  the  misunderstanding  of 
men  and  motives  during  a  political  campaign. 
When  a  man  claims  to  be  a  reformer  per  se, 
he  should  expect  to  have  his  motives  sub- 


REFORM  AND  REFORMERS  117 

jected  to  the  strictest  scrutiny.  When  a  re- 
former insists  that  a  particular  reform  can 
only  be  properly  administered  by  himself,  his 
position  is  untenable.  When  those  in  a  posi- 
tion to  make  laws  covering  a  particular  re- 
form refuse  the  necessary  legislation  because 
the  reform  is  advocated  by  a  particular  in- 
dividual, their  position  is  equally  untenable. 
The  main  difficulty  in  effecting  reform  by 
legislation  is  the  insistence  that  it  shall  be 
done  at  once  and  that  the  judgment  of  par- 
ticular investigators  shall  be  instantly  ac- 
cepted as  final.  The  party  managers  at  that 
time  are  appealed  to  for  their  assistance,  and 
if  it  is  not  rendered  without  question  they 
are  apt  to  be  characterized  as  obstructionists 
of  the  public  will.  The  fact  is,  the  public  has 
not  really  expressed  its  opinion  on  the  ques- 
tion involved.  A  legislature  and  particular 
advocates  acting  in  advance  of  the  public's 
real  knowledge  are  endeavoring  to  solve 
questions  for  that  public.  In  case  the  reform 
is  not  passed,  each  side  asks  the  public  to 
condemn  the  other.  If  the  party  in  power 
acquiesces  in  passing  a  reform  the  contro- 
versy still  continues,  the  question  then  being 
which  is  more  important,  to  have  thought 
of  the  reform  first  or  to  pass  the  law  for 
it.    That  parties  and  individuals  are  so  jeal- 


118        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ous  of  the  approval  of  the  general  public, 
so  desirous  to  appear  to  serve  it  and  to  actu- 
ally serve  it,  is  the  best  protection  for  the 
public  and  the  best  guarantee  of  improve- 
ment. 


THE  PRESS  AGENT 


VI 
THE  PRESS  AGENT 

The  necessity  for  publicity  in  politics  has 
produced  almost  a  new  vocation  in  that  of 
the  press  agent. 

Competition  in  business  requires  publicity 
to  apprise  the  public  of  the  value  of  the  mer- 
chandise offered  for  sale.  Goods  and  wares, 
whatever  their  intrinsic  value,  kept  on  the 
shelves  without  advertisement  yield  little 
profit. 

The  conduct  of  individuals  and  of  parties 
in  their  relationship  to  the  general  public 
would  have  their  influence  much  lessened  if 
the  public  were  not  fully  informed  of  their 
objects  and  what  it  was  claimed  was  being 
done  for  it.  Ordinary  newsgathering  does 
not  always  indicate  the  ideas  sought  to  be 
conveyed. 

Men  who  are  looking  for  preferment  from 

the  public  and  men  in  official  and  semi-official 

positions    frequently    employ    press    agents 

whose  business  it  is  to  furnish  to  the  news- 

121 


122        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

papers  special  information.  The  duties  of 
this  position  are  sometimes  carried  on  simul- 
taneously with  those  of  a  secretary.  Some- 
times they  are  performed  by  a  person 
occupying  another  position.  As  a  rule  they 
are  recruited  from  the  ranks  of  newspaper 
reporters.  There  is  every  reason  why  news- 
gatherers  are  best  fitted  for  this  field  of  ac- 
tivity. With  their  professional  experience 
the  range  of  their  information  is  remarkably 
broad.  They  are  necessarily  keen  observers. 
They  are  usually  shrewd  judges  of  men. 
Their  duties  bring  them  into  association  with 
men  in  every  walk  of  life  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest.  They  instinctively  know  what 
is  of  human  interest  and  know  how  to  pre- 
sent it  in  a  form  that  will  hold  that  interest. 
In  reporting  their  observations  they  run  the 
gamut  of  human  experience.  When  their 
specialty  has  been  reporting  political  events 
their  advice  is  frequently  sought  both  by 
their  editors  and  others  who  are  looking  for 
special  knowledge.  They  are  able  to  antici- 
pate, in  many  instances,  whether  the  public 
would  be  likely  to  approve  or  disapprove  of 
a  given  line  of  political  conduct. 

When  these  reporters  are  assigned  to  the 
national  or  a  state  capital  or  to  a  city  hall 
in  a  large  city,  they  sometimes  become  as 


THE  PRESS  AGENT  123 

familiar  with  the  questions  of  legislation  and 
administration  as  those  charged  with  the 
actual  responsibility. 

In  recent  years  appointments  to  political 
positions  of  high  importance  have  been  made 
from  the  ranks  of  reporters  and  usually  with 
admitted  success.  Their  knowledge  of  men 
enables  them  to  handle  men,  and  they  have 
met  the  demands  of  practical  administration. 
However  wise  the  acts  of  an  administration 
may  be,  if  the  public  does  not  know  the  actual 
facts  the  effect  is  lost.  A  wise  administrator 
sees  that  these  facts  are  furnished.  Pros- 
pective candidates  and  those  in  charge  of 
political  movements  frequently  employ  these 
press  agents  to  keep  constantly  before  the 
public  their  own  virtues  and  accomplish- 
ments for  the  instruction  of  the  public  and  by 
much  reiteration  try  to  gain  its  approval. 
The  press  agent  from  his  training  as  a  news- 
paper reporter  understands  what  is  recog- 
nized as  news  by  a  city  editor  and  is  nat- 
urally able  to  get  much  matter  into  print 
which  would  be  rejected  had  it  been  pre- 
pared and  presented  by  one  less  experienced. 
The  very  fact  of  the  nature  of  his  employ- 
ment opens  up  opportunities  for  information 
which  are  denied  to  the  average  reporter. 

Prospective  candidates  and  candidates  who 


124        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

cannot  afford  a  press  agent  are  at  a  great 
disadvantage.  So  interested  is  the  public 
at  the  time  of  a  campaign  that  the  large  daily 
newspapers  usually  assign  reporters  to  the 
duty  of  accompanying  candidates  on  their 
tours,  so  that  they  can  report  not  only  what 
is  of  general  interest  and  which  would  ordi- 
narily go  over  the  Associated  Press  wires, 
but  can  add  items  of  peculiar  personal  inter- 
est. These  particular  items  are  not  infre- 
quently furnished  by  the  candidate.  At  the 
time  of  the  campaign  the  public  is  especially 
entitled  to  know  as  much  as  possible  about 
those  persons  between  whom  it  must  make 
a  selection.  Not  infrequently  campaigns  are 
conducted  quite  as  much  around  the  qualities 
of  a  candidate  as  they  are  around  the  issues 
declared  in  the  platform.  Public  officials  are 
not  required  to  draw  upon  their  own  purses 
for  this  luxury,  as  the  same  result  is  accom- 
plished through  a  public  appointment.  It 
has  come  to  be  recognized  in  practice  that 
a  newspaper  man  can  wisely  be  appointed  to 
fill  an  office  closely  associated  with  that  of 
the  executive,  as,  for  instance,  that  of  secre- 
tary. The  attitude  of  the  press  toward  an 
executive  is  not  unaffected  by  the  tact  and 
judgment  of  the  reporter-secretary.  Many 
of  the  wrinkles  caused  by  the  curt  and  tact- 


THE  PRESS  AGENT  125 

less  personal  manner  of  executives  are 
ironed  out  by  that  same  secretary.  It  is 
more  than  human  to  expect  that  reporters 
who  are  compelled  by  the  direction  of  the 
city  editor  to  seek  interviews  and  to  gather 
information  in  that  pursuit  from  public  of- 
ficials should  not  be  influenced  by  the  man- 
ner of  those  officials  in  this  intercourse.  The 
press  bureau  thus  established  by  an  execu- 
tive becomes  of  great  importance  both  to 
him  individually  and  to  his  administration. 
Rumors  of  this  or  that  fact  caused  to  be 
printed  evoke  comment  editorial  and  other- 
wise, and  the  public  pulse  is  taken.  If  rumor 
develops  favorable  comment,  the  actual  con- 
dition will  later  develop.  If  the  opposite 
occurs,  some  contemplated  project  in  legis- 
lation may  be  abandoned.  The  same  press 
agency  is  used  as  a  practical  means  of  dis- 
paraging the  motives  and  conduct  of  those 
who  disagree  with  the  policy  or  the  adminis- 
tration of  an  executive.  It  is  a  tribute  to 
the  sensitiveness  of  men  in  political  activity, 
whether  official  or  not,  that  they  are  pecu- 
liarly and  properly  keen  to  the  attitude  of 
the  public  toward  them.  They  know  that  a 
wrong  impression  instilled  in  the  public  mind 
may  react  at  the  polls  and  their  continuation 
in  official  life  be  terminated.    It  is  entirely 


126        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

natural  that  public  men  should  wish  to  have 
their  best  efforts  emphasized  and  their  errors 
in  judgment  minimized.  While  a  certain  de- 
gree of  self-exploitation  is  not  only  natural 
but  proper  and  desirable,  it  may  be  carried 
to  too  great  an  extent.  Sometimes  this  tend- 
ency is  carried  to  a  ridiculous  degree,  and 
men  are  not  satisfied  with  the  publicity  given 
to  their  official  acts  but  indulge  in  undue  ex- 
ploitation of  their  personal  characteristics. 
It  is  carefully  noted  that  up  to  the  early  age 
of  ten  they  had  never  even  tasted  whiskey, 
and  from  then  to  the  age  of  fifteen  they 
had  never  struck  their  parents.  The  in- 
nocent prattle  of  childhood  is  quoted  as 
having  been  prophetic  of  some  future  great- 
ness. If  it  is  desired  to  demonstrate  to  the 
public  that  the  man  is  self-made,  viewed  in 
the  light  of  his  meager  opportunities,  the 
public  is  quietly  informed  that  in  early  years 
he  went  without  food  to  buy  books,  and,  con- 
scious of  the  great  future  before  him,  in  or- 
der that  he  might  be  particularly  available 
for  use  by  the  public,  he  indulged  in  none 
of  the  ordinary  pastimes  of  life.  Every  mo- 
ment was  used  in  preparing  for  his  lifework. 
It  takes  but  little  reflection  with  these  things 
in  mind  for  a  seeker  after  light  regarding 
candidates  or  officials,  if  he  has  any  knowl- 


THE  PRESS  AGENT  127 

edge  of  human  nature  himself,  to  make 
proper  allowances  for  these  weaknesses  and 
come  to  a  relatively  correct  conclusion.  The 
abuses  of  exploitation  are  shown  when  a 
candidate  or  official  with  opportunities  to  get 
matter  printed  through  the  resourcefulness 
of  his  press  representative  deliberately  starts 
what  he  knows  are  only  rumors  to  the  dis- 
paragement of  an  adversary.  The  public  is 
then  treated  to  harrowing  tales  of  supposed 
early  misconduct.  It  is  told,  especially  if 
there  is  a  prohibition  sentiment  in  the  com- 
munity, that  this  opposing  candidate  once 
became  drunk  when  only  six  years  old,  and 
that  in  the  face  of  a  maternal  prohibition  he 
actually  smoked  cigarettes  before  arriving  at 
the  age  of  ten.  A  mistake  in  counting  change 
when  employed  as  a  clerk  is  magnified  into 
a  defalcation,  and  a  genuinely  wholesome 
character  is  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  contest 
with  practically  no  means  or  time  to  meet 
the  charges;  the  public  must  still  be  the 
deciding,  discriminating  judge.  Whether  the 
practice  referred  to  shall  continue  or  not, 
depends  upon  the  conscience  of  the  men  in 
a  position  to  instigate  it. 

The  first  impressions  gained  by  the  public 
are  apt  to  be  lasting.  If  a  prospective  can- 
didate creates  the  idea  that  he  has  a  genuine 


128        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

and  unselfish  desire  to  serve  the  public,  that 
impression  after  nomination  helps  him  ma- 
terially at  the  polls.  If  he  has  a  particularly 
dangerous  competitor  for  nomination,  he  nat- 
urally desires  that  the  public  should  not  have 
so  favorable  an  opinion  of  his  competitor  as 
of  himself  and  employs  the  means  just  sug- 
gested. If  there  is  some  topic  of  peculiar 
interest  occupying  the  mind  of  the  public, 
such  as  the  encroachment  of  the  corporations 
upon  individual  rights,  rumors  are  sure  to 
appear  in  the  press  that  one  candidate  has 
always  been  in  favor  of  the  general  public 
as  against  corporations  from  his  earliest 
years,  and  that  the  other  is  actually  in  the 
pay  of  these  corporations.  The  responsibil- 
ity for  starting  rumors  or  making  misstate- 
ments by  one  candidate  regarding  another 
is  not  justified  by  the  excitement  of  competi- 
tion. It  is  entirely  allowable  to  argue  from 
facts  regarding  an  individual  not  at  that  mo- 
ment in  public  office  that  the  characteristics 
indicated  by  those  facts  will  preclude  him 
from  being  an  efficient  public  official.  Un- 
truth is  not  justifiable  in  politics  any  more 
than  it  is  elsewhere.  Apart  entirely  from 
principle,  frankness  and  truthfulness  toward 
the  public  is  the  best  policy  in  the  long  run. 
This  may  not  be  the  highest  standard  of  con- 


THE  PRESS  AGENT  129 

duct.  It  is  better  to  be  decent  and  honest 
with  a  selfish  purpose  than  not  to  be  decent 
or  honest  at  all.  Doubtful  practice  is  bound 
to  be  discovered,  if  only  by  political  oppo- 
nents, and  through  them  the  information  of 
it  is  acquired  by  the  public  in  general.  As 
a  matter  of  moral  principle  a  man  should 
not  lie.  If  he  does  not  recognize  morals  it 
takes  but  slight  argument  to  demonstrate 
that  lying  must  be  founded  on  mere  vanity, 
for  this  vanity  assumes  that  a  man  who  lies 
is  so  clever  and  his  statements  so  cunningly 
made  that  no  two  men  will  ever  compare 
notes  regarding  him  and  discover  his  dis- 
crepancies. The  fact  is  they  always  will  and 
always  do,  although  it  may  be  at  so  subse- 
quent a  period  that  much  harm  has  been 
done.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  public 
through  press  agents  or  otherwise  finds  it- 
self justified  in  believing  in  the  truthfulness 
and  sincerity  of  a  man,  it  will  pardon  much 
that  may  result  from  his  errors  in  judgment 
or  unnecessary  zeal.  There  is  hardly  any  act 
in  life  which  may  not  be  made  provocative  of 
good  or  conducive  to  evil.  Press  agents  and 
publicity  bureaus  are  not  confined  to  indi- 
viduals. Bureaus  of  municipal  research 
have  been  recently  established  whose  very 
wise   pin  pose    lb   to  carefully   examine   into 


130        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

the  results  of  municipal  administration  and 
give  those  results  to  the  public  in  succinct 
and  readable  form  at  frequent  intervals. 
This  course  is  more  apt  to  result  in  just 
opinions  in  the  public  mind  when  these  sub- 
jects are  examined  calmly  than  when  the 
same  facts,  however  truthful,  are  only  given 
to  the  public  when  it  is  excited  by  cam- 
paign strife.  Other  organizations  have 
been  perfected  whereby  at  the  national  and 
state  capitals  similar  services  are  performed. 
Services  rendered  to  the  public  without  the 
demand  for  immediate  recognition  of  those 
who  perform  them  are  apt  to  be  unappre- 
ciated, but  are  equally  of  lasting  value.  Pub- 
licity is  thus  an  instrument  for  good  or  harm, 
according  to  the  manner  of  its  use.  Knowl- 
edge of  its  employment  should  enable  one 
to  judge  of  actual  conditions  with  reasonable 
accuracy. 


OFFICE    SEEKING   AND    OFFICE 
HOLDING 


vn 

OFFICE   SEEKING  AND   OFFICE 
HOLDING 

It  does  not  justify  a  claim  for  brilliancy 
on  the  part  of  the  writer  to  say  that  there 
has  recently  developed  to  a  marked  degree 
a  tendency  toward  general  criticism  and 
an  unwillingness  to  accept  any  condition 
without  comment.  This  particularly  applies 
to  political  life.  It  may  be  that  men  have 
more  confidence  in  their  own  judgment  than 
they  formerly  had.  It  may  be  that  their  con- 
fidence has  been  shattered.  The  fact  re- 
mains that  the  public  generally  has  come  to 
look  down  on  men  in  public  office  instead  of 
looking  up  to  them.  They  have  come  to  dis- 
credit the  motives  of  candidates  rather  than 
give  them  the  benefit  of  the  doubt.  The  rea- 
son for  this  may  possibly  be  a  comparison 
of  the  individual  with  an  ideal  occupant  of 
the  position.  This  tendency  is  not  provoca- 
tive of  good,  and  does  much  to  discourage 
honest  effort.    Whatever  may  be  the  motive 

133 


134        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

behind  the  remark,  it  is  a  common  habit  to 
cast  slurs  on  the  man  who  seeks  public  office. 
This  is  not  justified  either  in  principle  or 
practice.  There  is  no  reason  why  a  man 
believing  in  his  own  capabilities  should  not 
desire  to  attain  public  office  and  receive  all 
the  honor  and  dignity  incidental  thereto. 
This  gives  him  prestige  with  his  friends, 
makes  him  a  potential  factor  in  the  commu- 
nity, and  responds  to  the  instincts  for  better- 
ment incident  to  human  nature.  It  is  not 
more  remarkable  that  a  man  should  seek  for 
himself  the  satisfaction  that  he  may  obtain 
from  service  to  the  public  than  it  is  that  he 
should  seek  to  satisfy  himself  in  business  or 
professional  life.  It  would  indicate  a  deplor- 
able condition  if  men  were  not  responsive 
to  such  instincts.  It  is  not  more  discreditable 
for  one  man  to  wish  to  be  elected  an  alder- 
man than  it  is  for  another  to  wish  to  be 
elected  President  of  the  United  States.  It 
no  more  justifies  disparagement  of  motive 
for  a  man  to  use  all  honorable  means  toward 
appointment  to  a  clerkship  than  for  one  of 
high  social  opportunities  to  desire  the  dig- 
nity of  a  position  in  the  cabinet  which  is  sub- 
ordinate to  the  President.  The  test  is  one 
of  motive.  Competition  for  position  of  it- 
self should  increase  the  number  of  seekers, 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING    135 

and  by  their  very  number  the  public  lias 
a  better  opportunity  for  selection.  If  the 
award  of  public  favor  through  intelligent 
effort  is  not  a  prize  worth  seeking,  then  the 
opinion  of  the  public  is  not  worth  having. 
The  fact  that  a  man  seeks  office  through  the 
instrumentality  of  party  influence  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  question.  If  it  is  taken 
for  granted  that  the  public  is  worth  serving, 
and  that  to  serve  the  public  is  a  laudable  am- 
bition, there  will  be  no  cause  for  captious 
criticism  of  those  who  entertain  that  ambi- 
tion. If  this  is  admitted,  an  important  ele- 
ment now  contributing  toward  restlessness 
in  political  affairs  will  be  eliminated.  If  it 
is  laudable  to  desire  public  office,  it  is  not 
laudable  to  seek  it  when  pretending  not  to. 
It  is,  of  course,  more  flattering  to  a  man  to 
be  discovered  by  the  general  public  and 
to  meet  a  request  on  the  part  of  that  public 
to  enter  its  service.  It  rarely  occurs  that  an 
individual  is  so  generally  known  by  virtue  of 
his  talents  and  experience  that  the  public 
makes  such  a  demand.  He  is  ordinarily 
brought  to  the  public's  attention  through 
some  accidental  circumstance  in  connection 
with  a  public  question.  If  he  then  demon- 
strates his  capacity,  the  opportunity  de- 
manded follows.     The  fact  that  he  responds 


136        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

to  it  and  does  his  duty  does  not  mean  that 
he  has  been  martyrized  for  the  public.  It 
means  that  he  has  acceded  to  a  demand  that 
meets  his  desires.  If  he  claims  to  be  doing 
all  this  at  constant  disparagement  and  loss 
to  himself,  either  that  service  is  not  ingenu- 
ous and  altruistic  or  he  is  not  giving  his 
service  in  the  spirit  he  claims.  Ingenuous 
service  furnishes  its  own  reward.  On  ac- 
count of  the  difficulty  of  an  individual  in 
bringing  himself  to  the  notice  of  the  general 
public,  it  happens  that  he  seeks  preferment 
most  usually  through  the  medium  of  party 
influence.  The  party  is  always  before  the 
public,  appointments  have  to  be  made  by  the 
executive,  the  character  of  those  appoint- 
ments are  a  part  of  the  life  of  the  party  and 
its  means  for  carrying  out  policies  for  which 
it  stands.  As  citizens  cannot  be  always  in- 
formed of  the  detailed  conduct  of  particular 
holders  of  minor  positions  in  public  office, 
they  naturally  look  to  the  party  of  which 
these  appointees  are  members,  and  they 
judge  of  the  service  of  the  individuals 
by  the  general  results  of  party  administra- 
tion. 

The  desire  to  be  recognized  by  the  public 
is  so  intense  that  frequently  men  will  ask 
their  friends  or  hire  their  acquaintances  to 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING     137 

stir  up  a  public  demand,  and  then  with  mock 
modesty  will  yield  to  it.  Then  they  become 
convinced  after  a  period  of  reflection  that  the 
demand  was  real  and  feel  that  anyone  else 
who  seeks  preferment  must  necessarily  have 
low  standards.  Persons  in  this  position  are 
annoyed  at  the  importunities  to  which  they 
are  exposed  by  others  seeking  subordinate 
appointments.  They  have  no  excuse  for  such 
annoyance.  It  is  incidental  to  our  system  of 
government.  Appointments  have  to  be  made 
by  somebody,  and  there  will  always  be  some- 
one wanting  them.  One  of  the  chief  duties 
of  high  office  is  selecting  subordinates. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  a  successful 
candidate,  exhausted  by  the  efforts  to  obtain 
a  nomination  and  an  election,  but  deeply  con- 
scious of  the  fact  that  he  has  attained  it, 
adds  to  the  general  public  discontent  with 
office-seekers  by  formal  addresses  stating  the 
annoyance  to  which  he  is  subjected  by  those 
who  seek  his  official  recognition.  The  public, 
ignorant  of  the  efforts  made  by  the  success- 
ful candidate  to  secure  his  position,  and  he 
may  be  an  entirely  useful  public  servant,  un- 
justly gives  its  disapproval  to  the  applicants 
for  minor  positions,  harm  results  to  those 
who  do  not  merit  it,  and  the  usefulness  of 
the  actual  appointees  is  minimized. 


138        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

It  is  unquestionably  far  more  manly  to 
declare  a  willingness  or  even  a  desire  to 
accept  public  office,  if  such  is  the  fact,  and 
to  endeavor  by  all  honorable  means  to  attain 
it,  and  then  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  office 
with  due  recognition  of  the  honor  that  has 
been  conferred,  rather  than  to  give  the  public 
the  false  impression  that  the  favor  has  been 
conferred  upon  it. 

The  writer  recalls  an  incident  relative  to 
the  election  of  delegates  to  the  last  Republi- 
can National  Convention.  A  distinguished 
citizen  of  the  City  of  New  York  properly 
wished  the  honor  of  being  a  delegate  to  that 
Convention,  and  asked  a  local  leader  to 
do  what  he  could  to  secure  his  selection  by 
congressional  convention.  The  leader  gladly 
responded,  gave  his  best  efforts,  and  secured 
promises  from  a  number  of  delegates.  Un- 
expected conditions  arose  and  other  candi- 
dates developed.  The  distinguished  citizen 
announced  that  his  name  could  not  be  used 
as  a  means  of  creating  factional  strife,  and 
his  adherents  were  left  in  the  embarrassing 
position  of  having  tried  to  aid  him  at  his 
request  and  then  being  deserted  at  the  first 
sign  of  trouble,  when  the  proposed  candidate 
was  only  called  upon  to  remain  in  one  posi- 
tion long  enough  to  permit  despised  local 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING    139 

leaders  to  gain  for  him  the  honor  he  sought. 
He  was  willing  to  accept  the  honor,  but  un- 
willing to  have  anyone  know  that  he  desired 
it.  The  same  gentleman  had  frequently  in 
public  utterances  deprecated  the  unseemly 
scramble  for  office.  He  sought  honor,  another 
may  seek  only  the  sure  pay  from  public  em- 
ployment; there  is  no  difference  in  principle. 
The  willingness  to  give  the  best  service  one 
can  to  the  public,  and  actually  doing  it,  justi- 
fies the  motive  for  seeking  office  and  conduct 
while  in  it. 

It  is  well  known  among  party  managers 
who  are  accustomed  keenly  to  observe  the 
actions  of  men  in  politics,  that  the  sooner  a 
candidate  nominated  gets  facts  about  himself 
before  the  public,  the  sooner  he  gathers  sup- 
port to  himself.  This  initial  momentum  adds 
greatly  towards  bringing  about  a  favorable 
result. 

Within  a  few  years,  in  the  City  of  New  York, 
another  gentleman  with  laudable  ambition  to 
hold  public  office,  caused  his  name  to  be  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  two  separate  offices. 
With  an  equally  laudable  ambition  he  had  in 
mind  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  secure 
one  or  the  other.  Before  the  convention  met 
his  lithographs  were  prepared  with  his  name 
upon  them,  but  the  title  of  the  office  for  which 


140        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

he  was  to  be  a  candidate  was  blank.  Upon 
his  nomination  the  office  was  filled  in  and  he 
became  an  aggressive  and  successful  candi- 
date. In  all  of  this  the  writer  can  see  noth- 
ing more  than  forehanded  means,  not  un- 
worthy, to  accomplish  an  honest  result.  Dur- 
ing the  preliminary  efforts  for  nomination 
the  gentleman  in  question  exhibited  a  coyness 
and  diffidence  that  suggested  that  only  by 
physical  force  could  he  be  compelled  to  take 
a  nomination.  At  the  same  time  full  infor- 
mation was  given  to  the  public  through  the 
press  of  the  aggressive  efforts  of  others  to 
seek  the  same  nomination,  and  he  himself 
furnished  the  arguments  why  those  others, 
possibly  his  equals,  would  prove  undesirable 
candidates.  After  being  installed  in  his  new 
position  the  person  referred  to  publicly  ex- 
pressed the  annoyance  to  which  he  had  been 
subjected  through  the  merciless  importuni- 
ties of  those  who  sought  his  official  favor. 
This  incident  amounts  to  nothing  in  itself 
except  as  one  of  glaring  inconsistency,  and 
is  one  of  a  number  which  keep  the  public 
mind  in  a  condition  whereby  it  unconsciously 
and  readily  yields  to  the  general  tendency 
toward  disparagement  of  all  seekers  of 
public  office.  If  in  this  instance  the  can- 
didate had  been  frank  and  ingenuous,  his 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING     141 

nomination  would  have  been  secured  with 
less  effort,  his  election  would  have  aroused 
more  enthusiasm,  and  he  would  not  have  been 
responsible  for  much  undeserved  harm  in- 
flicted on  others  who  had  as  much  right  to 
desire  advancement  as  had  he.  It  would  have 
been  better  for  the  public  had  he  been  more 
honest  in  motive. 

Sometimes  independent  movements  are 
started  outside  of  political  organizations  to 
secure  nominations  which  arouse  general  in- 
terest against  a  local  party  where  the  ad- 
ministration under  ordinary  circumstances 
represents  a  preponderance  of  votes.  In 
Philadelphia  and  in  New  York  City  this  has 
of  late  years  not  infrequently  been  at- 
tempted. The  discussion  surrounding  such 
a  movement  has  a  great  tendency  to  arouse 
unusual  interest,  and  men  are  stirred  who 
otherwise  might  have  no  participation  in  the 
campaign  whatever.  Conference  committees 
are  appointed  and  nominations  that  are 
above  the  average  result  at  the  hands  of  all 
parties.  Those  movements,  however,  are 
represented  by  committees.  Those  commit- 
tees have  sub-committees,  and  the  results  are 
worked  out  according  to  time-honored  politi- 
cal traditions.  The  strongest  minds  have  the 
greatest  influence,  and  individuals  of  widest 


142        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

knowledge  of  conditions  being  most  poten- 
tial, are  governing  factors.  The  popularity 
and  success  of  nominations  thus  made  depend 
upon  the  ability  of  the  men  actually  respon- 
sible for  them  to  analyze  what  is  in  the  minds 
of  the  citizens,  and  not  what  they  think  ought 
to  be  there.  It  takes  rare  judgment  on  the 
part  of  a  candidate,  however  selected,  to 
know  how  to  appeal  to  the  public  on  behalf 
of  himself  and  those  for  whom  he  stands. 
The  attitude  of  the  public  toward  a  candidate 
in  a  campaign,  however  faltering,  and  its  at- 
titude toward  him  when  he  takes  official  posi- 
tion are  strangely  different.  The  public  ac- 
cepts as  a  rule  the  good  faith  of  men  of  its 
own  selection  at  the  polls,  and  for  a  time  at 
least  looks  up  to  them  and  listens  to  their 
utterances  with  careful  respect.  What  a  can- 
didate says  before  he  is  elected  is  discounted. 
What  he  says  soon  after  becoming  an 
official  is  liable  to  be  accepted  as  wisdom 
founded  upon  the  knowledge  assumed  to  be 
in  the  mind  of  anyone  who  occupies  that  par- 
ticular position.  The  public  does  not  stop 
to  think  that  it  requires  time  in  public  office 
to  acquire  actual  knowledge,  and  that  what 
is  uttered  early  in  an  incumbency  is  merely 
opinion.  The  American  people  have  an  in- 
herent respect  for  official  authority.    They  do 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING    143 

not  always  pay  proper  respect  to  those  exer- 
cising that  authority. 

The  public  really  by  its  votes  only  grants 
a  lease  to  exercise  authority  and  does  not 
give  a  final  title.  The  demand  for  novelty 
and  the  fact  that  its  absence  may  indicate  the 
inability  to  furnish  it,  and  that  opposition 
can  be  readily  stirred  up,  forces  an  official 
sometimes  to  continually  suggest  modifica- 
tions and  experiments  in  law  which  are 
fraught  with  no  permanent  benefit.  It  can- 
not be  possible  that  the  mere  taking  of  a 
public  office  instantly  insures  the  possession 
of  wisdom.  Legislation,  according  to  law, 
should  originate  in  legislatures.  The  execu- 
tive has  done  his  full  duty  when  he  makes 
clear  and  explicit  recommendations  to  the 
lawmaking  body  as  to  what  he  considers  will 
insure  an  improvement  of  conditions.  Upon 
the  adoption  of  his  suggestions,  if  they  de- 
velop to  be  wise,  he,  of  course,  receives,  and 
should  receive,  popular  commendation.  Men 
in  legislative  bodies  are  equally  jealous  of 
their  reputation.  They  may  differ  as  to  the 
wisdom  of  particular  proposals.  If  that  dif- 
ference results  in  a  general  exchange  of  views 
between  members  of  the  legislature  and  the 
executive,  although  the  result  may  not  be 
in  detail  what  either  desires,  but   something 


144        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

that  meets  their  common  judgment,  the  pub- 
lic has  been  benefited.  If  to  the  public  view 
the  differences  of  opinion  assume  the  form 
of  a  fight  between  an  executive  and  a  law- 
making body,  and  those  observing  the  con- 
test divide  themselves  between  friends  and 
enemies  of  the  executive,  the  effect  of  the 
law,  no  matter  what  it  is,  is  largely  lost.  The 
people  speak  through  representatives  in  law- 
making bodies  their  opinions  as  to  what  laws 
should  be  passed.  The  executive  does  his 
best  duty  when  he  gives  his  full  efforts  after 
recommendation  to  the  carrying  out  of  laws. 

These  statements  have  been  made  in  gen- 
eral form,  as  they  apply  as  well  to  the  capital 
of  the  nation  as  to  the  capital  of  the  state. 
The  influence  of  an  executive  through  the 
power  of  appointment  and  the  solicitude  on 
the  part  of  legislators  lest  the  executive  veto 
some  measure  of  theirs  because  they  do  not 
approve  proposed  measures  of  his,  have  re- 
sulted in  the  exercise  of  influence  by  execu- 
tives never  contemplated  by  the  originators 
of  the  Constitution. 

When  the  public  appears  to  demand  some- 
thing, whether  it  actually  does  or  not,  the 
demand  is  for  instant  action.  In  the  eyes  of 
the  people  the  executive  then  appears  as  the 
instrument  for  accomplishment.     He  is,  in- 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING    145 

deed,  in  a  way,  that  instrument,  and  a  most 
forceful  one.  If  his  official  authority  and  his 
personal  influence  are  combined,  and  he  em- 
ploys every  leverage  that  he  can  to  influence 
those  who  may  differ  with  him  officially,  the 
result  he  seeks  is  apt  to  be  accomplished.  If 
it  is  accomplished  on  account  of  the  pressure 
he  is  able  to  exercise  on  individuals,  the  bene- 
fits are  not  permanent  because  there  will  be 
another  executive  and  another  legislature.  If 
the  results  represent  a  combination  of  the 
legislative  mind  and  executive  opinion,  the 
result  will  be  more  permanent  and  more  bene- 
ficial. The  influence  of  patronage  and  power 
of  veto,  the  readiness  of  the  public  to  listen 
to  the  utterances  of  an  executive,  a  single 
individual,  rather  than  to  the  opinions  of 
a  legislator,  one  of  a  number,  make  his  actual 
influence  tremendous.  The  balance  between 
the  executive  and  the  legislative  branches  has 
been  destroyed  in  practice,  if  not  in  theory. 
Anyone  who  expects  that  an  executive  with 
full  knowledge  of  his  official  authority,  alive 
to  all  that  may  be  accomplished  by  it  and 
exhilarated  by  public  applause  or  demand, 
as  the  case  may  be,  can  be  literally  and  finally 
impersonal  and  devoid  of  every  human  char- 
acteristic, expects  much.  If  the  public  can 
secure  an  approximation  to  normal  condi- 


146        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

tions  it  does  well.  The  sobering  effect  of 
responsible  authority,  the  desire  to  merit 
the  favorable  verdict  of  calm-minded  men, 
the  level-headed  judgment  which  discrimi- 
nates between  applause  and  approval,  have 
brought  the  general  standard  of  American 
executives  to  a  level  to  which  the  people 
"  can  point  with  pride." 

The  securing  of  capable  judges  is  one  of 
the  continued  problems  of  American  politics. 
The  Federal  system  has  much  to  commend  it 
in  its  appointive  system  of  tenure  during 
good  behavior.  There  is  substantial  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  the  position  that  the  execu- 
tive can  acquire  better  knowledge  of  capa- 
bilities for  judicial  responsibility  than  can 
the  people  acting  as  a  body.  Their  knowl- 
edge must  be  more  or  less  limited  and  their 
opportunities  for  acquiring  such  knowledge 
more  limited.  In  the  states  the  elective 
system  generally  prevails,  with  tenure  lim- 
ited, and  with  higher  salaries.  The  same  in- 
stinctive desire  for  professional  preferment 
applies  here  as  it  does  in  civil  walks.  There 
is  no  just  reason  why  a  lawyer,  honestly  be- 
lieving in  his  own  capacity  and  desiring  to 
be  elevated  to  the  bench,  should  not  seek  elec- 
tion or  appointment  to  that  honorable  posi- 
tion.   Human  nature  does  not  vary  with  law- 


OFFICE  SEEKING  AND  HOLDING    147 

yers  any  more  than  it  does  with  laymen.  The 
nominations  are  sought  with  equal  energy 
and  sometimes,  unfortunately,  with  methods 
which  cannot  be  as  readily  justified.  The 
authority  of  a  judge  is  so  final  and  so  habit- 
ually acquiesced  in  by  the  public  that  there 
must  be  a  degree  of  consecration  which  is 
genuine  and  final.  For  a  lawyer  with  a  five 
thousand  dollar  practice  to  seek  a  judgeship 
with  a  ten  thousand  dollar  salary  is  neither 
unnatural  nor  discreditable,  but  when  in 
seeking  this  preferment  he  alleges  that  he 
is  doing  it  at  a  sacrifice,  he  not  only  deceives 
the  public  but  makes  himself  a  cause  for 
laughter  at  the  hands  of  those  who  are  provi- 
dentially gifted  with  a  sense  of  humor. 
Elected,  it  is  not  necessary  for  him  to  view 
his  former  professional  brethren  with  dis- 
dain or  sadness.  Fortunately  this  does  not 
generally  occur,  but  men  are  occasionally  ele- 
vated to  the  bench  by  accidental  circum- 
stances, who  forget  that  their  greatest  assist- 
ants are  the  lawyers  practicing  before  them, 
and  this  attitude  of  mind  is  indicated  by  un- 
necessary and  uncalled  for  comments.  The 
judge  for  the  public  to  seek,  it  seems  to  the 
writer,  is  a  man  not  necessarily  of  rare  pow- 
ers so  much  as  calm  and  even-minded  judg- 
ment and  ability  to  determine  what  the  law 


148        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

is  before  declaring  it  with  equableness  of 
temper  and  an  appreciation  at  every  moment 
that  he  is  still  human,  although  gowned  with 
authority.  He  need  not  complain  of  the  irk- 
someness  of  his  duties  because  he  cannot  dis- 
cover any  law  which  prevents  his  resigning. 
His  utterances  on  every  subject  should  be 
guided  with  the  greatest  care,  because  what 
he  says  even  off  the  bench  is  listened  to  in- 
tently by  the  public.  It  is  possible  for  a 
judge  temperamentally  unfit  for  his  position, 
although  intellectually  capable,  to  affect  the 
findings  of  a  jury  by  a  tone  of  voice  or  a 
shrug  of  the  shoulders,  while  his  charge  to 
that  very  jury  is  entirely  within  the  law. 
These  remarks  are  offered  in  the  sincere  hope 
that  the  public  will  be  alive  for  its  own  sake 
to  its  unending  responsibility  in  making  sa- 
gacious selections  at  the  polls  of  men  who 
are  to  interpret  the  law  under  which  we  all 
must  live. 


THE  PRESS 


VIII 

THE  PRESS 

The  chief  political  and  least  understood 
element  in  American  life  is  that  of  the  press. 
The  freedom  of  the  press  is  as  essential  to 
the  American  political  system  as  the  air  is 
to  the  human  system.  If  the  air  is  pure,  the 
human  system  is  invigorated.  If  the  spirit 
of  the  press  is  pure,  the  political  system  is 
apt  to  be.  Theoretically,  the  press  is  an  im- 
personal instrument.  Actually,  it  reflects  the 
opinions  and  wishes  of  the  individual  who 
owns  it.  Somewhere  back  of  the  title-page 
is  an  ownership  traceable  to  a  human  entity. 
The  larger  the  paper,  the  more  money  in- 
volved in  its  development,  the  more  people 
there  may  be  who  contribute  to  its  owner- 
ship. Among  these  there  is  an  individual 
or  small  committee  expressing  the  opinions 
of  the  proprietors.  For  the  purpose  of 
estimating  its  range  of  influence,  the 
newspaper  is  simply  an  individual  mag- 
nified to  the  number  of  its  readers.     While 

151 


152        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

there  have  been  many  abuses  by  the  press 
and  many  issues  distorted,  many  personal 
ambitions  helped  and  many  individuals  de- 
stroyed, newspapers  can  no  more  be  dis- 
pensed with  as  a  part  of  American  life  than 
can  a  vital  organ  of  the  body.  The  power 
of  the  press  is  beyond  computation  in  cru- 
sades against  abuses.  Prosecuting  attorneys 
are  kept  alive  to  their  duties.  Men  in  re- 
sponsible positions  are  fought  and  overcome 
when  they  commit  wrong.  The  anti  force  of 
the  people  is  personified  in  the  press.  In  the 
prosecution  of  crime,  in  the  detection  of  bad 
morals,  in  securing  punishment  for  evil  con- 
duct, the  press  acts  as  a  unit,  and  its  force 
cannot  be  withstood.  Were  it  not  for  the 
press,  influences  could  be  brought  to  bear 
aiding  the  commission  and  condonation  of 
crime  against  which  individual  prosecutors 
would  be  impotent.  Newspapers  furnish  the 
information  of  derelictions  without  which 
officials  would  frequently  be  unable  to  en- 
force the  law.  The  force  that  the  press  of 
the  United  States  can  bring  to  bear  in  pre- 
venting the  continuance  of  an  abuse,  in  tak- 
ing from  a  man  the  instruments  with  which 
he  may  do  wrong,  in  supporting  the  weaker 
against  the  stronger,  is  so  tremendous  that 
it  is  not  fully  grasped  by  the  critics. 


THE  PRESS  153 

On  the  other  side  of  the  problem,  news- 
papers rarely  act  in  concert.  As  dissemi- 
nators of  news  they  act  along  like  lines,  ac- 
centuated only  by  the  particular  genius  of 
the  men  in  charge  of  the  management.  The 
force  of  the  press  in  political  affairs  in  con- 
ducting an  anti  crusade  is  as  great  as  it  is 
sometimes  impotent,  in  conducting  a  pro  cru- 
sade. No  man  invests  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  dollars  in  a  great  metropolitan  newspaper 
for  the  purpose  of  passing  his  time  or  for 
any  supposed  assistance  in  developing  his 
health.  He  does  it  for  profit  and  seeks  a 
circulation  to  make  its  columns  more  profit- 
able. No  one  can  object  to  this.  There  is 
nothing  immoral  in  a  man's  desiring  to  profit 
himself  through  the  cashier's  office  of  a  news- 
paper. "When,  however,  a  newspaper  prints 
as  a  fact  what  is  nothing  but  an  opinion,  it 
commits  a  wrong  against  the  community 
which  can  never  be  entirely  righted  in  the 
hurry  of  events,  because  the  true  statement 
of  the  fact  may  never  reach  the  reader  who 
first  saw  the  misstatement.  If  newspapers 
were  to  be  guided  by  an  absolute  standard, 
they  would  all  report  the  same  event  in  the 
same  way,  excepting  only  as  its  description 
might  vary  according  to  the  literary  capacity 
of  the  reporter.    The  facts  would  be  the  same. 


154        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

The  deductions  from  those  facts,  if  the  news- 
papers are  to  exercise  their  fullest  and  best 
influence,  should  be  confined  to  the  editorial 
column.  It  is  the  right  of  the  editor,  as  it 
is  of  any  individual,  to  make  any  argument 
he  may  desire  from  facts.  He  may  advocate 
any  policy  he  considers  best  conduces  to  the 
betterment  of  affairs.  When  he  draws  that 
deduction  from  a  misstatement  of  fact,  he 
violates  the  freedom  accorded  the  press,  and 
deceives  the  people.  In  a  controversy  be- 
tween an  individual  and  a  newspaper,  the 
individual  is  always  at  a  hopeless  disadvan- 
tage. He  cannot  get  his  views  before  the 
people  in  the  way  he  has  the  right  to  expect. 
The  fact  that  newspapers  are  no  more  than 
individuals  is  best  shown  in  a  campaign. 
There  are  actually  few  non-partisan  news- 
papers. The  meetings  held  by  a  particular 
party  are  reported  in  the  columns  of  the 
paper  advocating  that  party's  principles  as 
enthusiastic  and  well  attended.  A  public  up- 
rising is  described,  a  momentum  is  estab- 
lished from  which  a  deduction  is  drawn  which 
is  untrue  and  illogical.  To  a  republican 
paper  the  republican  meetings  are  enthusi- 
astically attended  and  are  treated  as  a  har- 
binger of  success.  In  the  democratic  papers 
the  same  condition  prevails.    In  a  paper  ad- 


THE  PRESS  155 

vocating  the  policies  of  neither  of  these  par- 
ties, some  small  gathering  may  be  described 
as  a  mighty  uprising  by  way  of  protest.  The 
public  reading  these  papers  are  not  enlight- 
ened as  to  the  facts,  and  unless  they  know 
the  policy  of  the  particular  papers  whose 
columns  they  read,  they  are  frequently  as  far 
from  the  events  as  if  they  did  not  know  of 
their  occurrence. 

The  moral  responsibility  of  newspaper 
management  is  one  of  the  greatest  in  human 
affairs.  The  newspaper  is  practically  the 
only  means  of  gathering  information  to-day 
for  the  average  man.  A  century  ago  it  took 
weeks  and  months  for  a  person  to  learn  what 
had  happened  in  a  nearby  state,  or  in  any 
other  country.  The  first  President  of  the 
United  States  had  to  rely  upon  the  mails  for 
information,  and  they  were  exclusively  ex- 
pensive. To-day  for  one  cent  any  reader  can 
find  out  what  has  happened  in  any  part  of 
the  globe  within  the  preceding  twenty-four 
hours.  When  that  news  is  reported  incor- 
rectly, or  the  facts  of  governmental  adminis- 
tration are  not  portrayed  with  truthfulness, 
it  is  impossible  for  the  public  to  arrive  at 
a  correct  conclusion  which  justifies  action. 

It  will  always  be  that  the  owner  of  a  paper 
may  favor  one  individual  and  oppose  another. 


156        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

It  is  entirely  human,  with  the  power  at  hand, 
for  an  editor  to  favor  a  friend  and  harm 
an  opponent.  There  is  nothing  mysterious 
about  a  newspaper  when  you  consider  that 
it  is  only  an  individual  speaking.  His  method 
of  doing  it  may  be  mysterious  and  the  public 
may  be  deceived.  Strange  as  it  may  seem, 
some  particular  reform,  elaborated  by  one 
paper,  is  carefully  avoided  by  another  or 
merely  noted.  The  quick  reporting  of  news 
is  a  proper  argument  for  the  purchase  of  a 
particular  paper.  The  clearness  of  descrip- 
tion is  an  argument  for  another.  Papers  are 
conducted  in  the  manner  best  calculated  to 
appeal  to  the  particular  part  of  the  public 
which  they  wish  to  reach.  If  the  papers  of 
the  United  States  should  unanimously  agree 
that  the  affairs  of  the  country  were  pros- 
perous, they  would  be  accepted  as  such.  Agi- 
tation carried  on  by  the  press  unsettles  the 
public  mind.  That  uncertainty  prevents  unity 
of  action,  and  that  lack  of  unity  of  action 
prevents  stability.  A  hint  in  the  columns 
of  the  press  of  an  impending  failure  may 
bring  that  failure  about.  An  intimation  that 
the  credit  of  an  individual  has  been  impaired 
may  prevent  that  individual  from  re-estab- 
lishing himself  upon  a  more  substantial  finan- 
cial foundation.     To  repeat  an  insinuation 


THE  PRESS  157 

derogatory  to  an  individual  may  destroy  him, 
and  lie  has  no  defense.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  the  public  pulse  can  be  taken  through 
the  columns  of  the  newspapers  more  accur- 
ately than  in  any  other  way,  because  those 
newspapers  reflect  in  a  degree  the  opinion 
of  their  readers.  Constant  iteration  and  re- 
iteration of  a  statement  in  the  press  fre- 
quently leads  to  belief  in  the  existence  of 
something  which  may  not  have  existed  in  the 
beginning,  but  is  actually  created  by  the  repe- 
tition. The  very  fact  of  discussion  may  bring 
about  the  condition  which  was  alleged  to  have 
existed  in  the  beginning.  The  competition 
between  papers  for  the  approval  of  the  pur- 
chasing public  is  the  best  guarantee  to  the 
public  that  they  will  not  go  beyond  all  bounds. 
Newspapers  are  like  an  individual ;  they  like 
to  crush  out  an  abuse  and  claim  the  credit. 
They  like  to  establish  a  reform  or  a  change 
and  claim  the  credit  for  that.  Such  credit 
increases  their  circulation. 

While  the  press  may  with  more  or  less 
accuracy  reflect  the  mind  of  a  community, 
it  may  not  be  able  always  to  change  that 
mind.  The  responsibility  of  the  press  for 
good  government  is  vital  in  the  last  degree. 
But  it  is  also  possible  for  an  editor  to  change 
the  attitude  of  the  public  toward  a  man  striv- 


158        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ing  for  better  things,  so  that  whatever  he 
does  finds  no  response  in  the  heart  of  the 
community.  On  the  other  hand,  the  public 
rush  to  the  columns  of  the  papers  to  state 
an  ill-treatment  on  the  part  of  officials.  They 
may  cite  cases  of  public  oppression,  or  they 
may  refer  to  the  unnecessarily  harsh  enforce- 
ment of  the  law.  An  editorial  reprimand  is 
frequently  sufficient  to  remedy  an  abuse. 

The  press  should  be  the  audible  voice  of 
the  community.  Whether  it  speaks  in  a  whis- 
per or  in  a  shriek  depends  upon  the  policy 
imposed  upon  the  paper  by  its  owner.  It 
is  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  free  govern- 
ment being  carried  on  without  the  watchful 
eye  of  a  free  press.  Yet  it  is  an  everyday 
occurrence  to  see  criticisms  in  the  press  which 
are  unmerited  and  unjustified  and  which  do 
not  warrant  the  conclusions  drawn  from 
them.  This  is  not  the  act  of  an  impersonal 
press.  It  is  the  temper  of  the  individual  who 
controls  the  paper,  and  as  such  should  be 
judged.  If  viewed  in  this  light  the  harm  a 
paper  can  do  is  minimized.  It  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  the  majority  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  United  States  gets  substantially 
all  its  information  from  daily  or  weekly  pub- 
lications. These  comments  are  not  made  in 
the  expectation  of  changing  the  policy  of  any 


THE  PEESS  159 

paper.  They  are  merely  made  for  the  pur- 
pose of  drawing  attention  to  the  fact  that 
a  newspaper  with  all  its  power  for  good  or 
evil  is  merely  the  expression  of  individual 
opinion  vastly  magnified. 

If  the  holder  of  an  important  office  received 
a  letter  expressed  in  the  same  words  in  which 
an  editorial  is  phrased,  he  might  pay  little 
attention  to  it.  When  he  sees  a  criticism  of 
his  public  acts  in  a  newspaper  and  knows 
that  it  will  be  read  by  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  individuals  to  whom  he  is  accountable, 
he  is  more  apt  to  realize  that  he  is  a  trustee 
for  those  people,  and  not  to  believe  that  he 
has  an  inherent  title  to  his  office. 

There  can  be  no  substantial  progress  in 
political  affairs  in  the  United  States,  or  in 
commercial  affairs,  without  the  support  of 
the  best  newspapers.  With  the  church,  the 
owners  of  newspapers  have  it  in  their  power 
to  bring  about  the  most  desirable  results  for 
society.  It  is  a  matter  of  satisfaction  to 
a  careful  observer  that,  whatever  may  be  the 
consistency  of  this  or  that  newspaper,  they 
do  more  to  make  possible  combined  action  on 
the  part  of  the  people  than  any  other  single 
instrumentality.  When  a  newspaper  is  de- 
voted to  agitation  for  the  sake  of  agitation 
it  keeps  the  public  mind  in  a  state  of  unrest, 


160        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

and  its  value  to  the  community  is  nothing. 
When  it  keeps  before  the  community  sub- 
jects for  proper  deliberation  and  discussion 
and  furnishes  the  information  from  which 
the  public  may  form  just  opinions,  it  is  the 
next  important  factor  to  law  in  preserving 
order.  A  newspaper  is  the  exponent  of  per- 
sonal views  impersonally  expressed.  The 
moral  standards  of  papers  are  the  moral 
standards  of  their  owners.  While  a  news- 
paper is  a  commercial  enterprise,  it  has  sen- 
timental characteristics  which  it  cannot 
avoid.  Prominent  opinion  to  the  contrary, 
sentiment  in  one  form  or  another  is  largely 
a  controlling  feature  of  American  political 
life.  It  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution that  there  should  be  masses  and 
classes.  The  fact  unfortunately  is  that  there 
are  masses  and  classes,  and  always  will  be 
to  a  degree.  But  what  that  degree  is  or 
should  be  in  the  future,  depends  more  upon 
the  policy  of  the  public  press  of  the  United 
States  than  upon  any  other  single  power. 
The  statement  in  a  newspaper  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  class  does  much  to  create  it. 

It  remains  with  the  people  to  decide 
whether  a  newspaper  shall  be  an  instrument 
for  good  or  evil.  They  are  the  judges,  and 
must  continue  to  be,  whether  the  spirit  in 


THE  PRESS  161 

which  a  paper  is  published  squares  to  stand- 
ard or  not.  No  paper  would  long  continue 
any  one  policy  if  the  editor  were  conscious 
that  it  would  alienate  him  from  an  appre- 
ciable number  of  his  readers. 

The  deduction  from  these  comments  rela- 
tive to  the  press  the  writer  hopes  will  accen- 
tuate individual  responsibility.  The  ulti- 
mate stability  of  the  so-called  American  sys- 
tem of  government  rests  upon  the  common 
sense  and  sound  judgment  of  the  individual 
citizen.  The  majority  of  those  citizens  can 
determine  anything  they  wish.  When  Amer- 
ican citizenship  is  negative  in  its  political 
and  moral  virtue  the  nation  is  negative. 
When  it  is  affirmative  and  aggressive  and 
wise,  the  nation  is  affirmative,  aggressive,  and 
wise.  When  a  man  believes  in  himself,  he 
believes  in  his  country ;  and  when  a  majority 
of  citizens  believe  in  themselves,  they  are  the 
country  and  measure  the  country's  progress. 


LAW  AND  MORALS 


IX 
LAW  AND  MORALS 

Law  is  dependent  on  morals.  Morals  are 
assisted  by  law.  If  the  development  of  each 
proceeded  equally  it  would  mean  a  millen- 
nium. Political  morality  is  arrived  at  regard- 
less of  statutory  authority.  Obedience  to  a 
statute  may  prevent  immoral  conduct,  but 
may  not  indicate  real  morality  in  the  person 
who  obeys  the  law.  Originally  conduct  was 
regulated  by  imperial  edict.  A  ruler  with  su- 
preme authority  said  what  his  subjects  should 
or  should  not  do.  The  latitude  given  to  them 
was  limited,  indeed,  and  it  took  all  their  at- 
tention to  meet  the  requirements  imposed  and 
avoid  punishment.  Many  conditions  now  re- 
quire statutory  regulation  which,  at  the  foun- 
dation of  the  government,  were  unknown.  So 
complex  have  become  the  regulations  of  social 
and  commercial  life  that  it  has  been  found 
difficult  to  determine  the  duties  of  citizens 
toward  each  other  and  toward  the  state. 
These  questions  have  been  solved  as  far  as 

1C5 


166        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

may  be  by  legal  provision.  The  fact  remains 
that  in  the  activities  of  politics  as  well  as  else- 
where fundamental  principles  of  morality 
must  be  the  substantial  governing  force.  This 
is  so  as  a  matter  of  principle  and  a  matter  of 
necessity.  No  good  could  come  to  a  community 
where  the  guiding  principle  of  conduct  was 
merely  that  of  expediency.  Where  the  line 
of  law  and  the  line  of  morality  cross  or  merge 
provides  a  subject  for  the  most  metaphysical 
discussion.  The  present  tendency  of  legisla- 
tion apart  from  punishing  crime  and  pre- 
scribing methods  for  exercising  political 
rights,  is  toward  standardizing  human  con- 
duct by  law.  This  is  nothing  more  than  an 
endeavor  to  substitute  statutes  for  morals. 
The  penal  code  is  amended  each  year  to  cover 
new  derelictions  and  render  conviction  of 
older  crimes  more  easy.  The  captions  of  the 
penal  code  should  be  a  fair  index  of  political 
and  social  crimes.  Really,  they  are  not,  and 
the  aggregate  of  misconduct  unnamed  in  the 
code  may  well  be  of  greater  detriment  to  a 
community  than  actual  violations  of  law.  The 
theory  of  the  penal  code  is  to  furnish  a  sum- 
mary of  all  those  acts  which  are  admittedly 
detrimental  to  the  people  as  a  whole.  The 
actual  degree  of  morality  of  the  entire  people 
is  not  measured  by  the  proportion  to  the 


LAW  AND  MORALS  167 

■whole  of  the  number  who  violate  that  code. 
It  is  exemplified  by  the  realization  of  the 
majority  of  the  citizens  of  their  duty  to  the 
State  and  to  each  other. 

Every  year  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
of  the  United  States  submits  a  balance  sheet 
purporting  to  show  the  nation's  strength. 
That  summary  discloses  the  wealth  of  the 
country  in  the  aggregate  and  per  capita.  It 
sets  out  the  commercial  development,  the  pro- 
portionate savings  of  the  people  in  banks, 
and  it  strikes,  so  to  speak,  a  trial  balance. 
This  is  a  fair  intimation  of  the  standing  of 
the  country.  The  actual  strength  of  the  coun- 
try could  only  be  disclosed  by  a  census,  which 
would  indicate  the  relative  proportion  of  men 
actuated  by  moral  principles,  and  those  with- 
out such  standards.  Fortunately,  in  this 
country  through  the  work  of  the  churches  and 
the  inculcation  of  moral  principles,  there  is 
a  constant  tendency  toward  improvement. 
The  work  of  moral  forces  preserves  to  each 
citizen  his  individuality,  but  his  responsibility 
and  development  depend  upon  himself.  It 
is  weakening  in  a  free  government,  founded 
on  the  ballot,  to  curtail  the  development  of 
individuality  through  the  paternalism  of  law. 
Tt  is  a  wise  philosophy  which  decides  what 
men  should  not  do.    It  is  a  wiser  philosophy 


168        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

that  does  not  prescribe  what  they  must  do. 
Reliance  upon  law  alone,  robs  morality  of 
its  force.  The  restless  seeking  after  change, 
persistent  endeavor  to  experiment  in  legisla- 
tion, are  not  productive  of  the  most  beneficial 
results. 

The  courts  have  jurisdiction  not  only  in  in- 
terpreting law,  but  in  reading  into  conduct 
the  equitable  principles  of  morality.  The 
judiciary  is  a  much  better  guide,  as  a  rule, 
than  a  legislature.  The  principles  it  enforces 
are  universal ;  not  spasmodic  and  not  experi- 
mental. In  applying  the  principles  of  equity 
the  court  has  the  whole  range  of  prior  hu- 
man experience  from  which  it  may  arrive  at 
a  judicial  conclusion.  In  legislation  there  is 
rarely  given  the  thought  and  investigation 
required  to  crystallize  broad  wisdom  in  the 
form  of  law. 

An  unenforced  or  unenforceable  law  de- 
stroys by  that  much  the  respect  for  law  it- 
self. Where  people  are  sufficiently  few  in 
number  to  permit  of  their  being  brought  to- 
gether frequently  in  personal  contact  they 
govern  themselves  by  their  own  traditions, 
and  their  minds  readily  agree  upon  a  com- 
mon mode  of  conduct.  Men,  however,  are 
so  readily  influenced  by  others,  the  aggres- 
sive man  has  such  a  predominance  over  the 


LAW  AND  MORALS  169 

man  of  a  negative  disposition,  that  when  we 
act  in  large  bodies  we  fail  to  observe  the 
simpler  instincts  of  man,  and  issues  become 
involved.  Doubtless  every  sentiment  here 
expressed  has  already  occurred  to  the  reader 
in  his  own  deliberations. 

In  a  government  such  as  ours  there  must 
be  constant  compromise  of  individual  ideas 
for  the  benefit  of  the  great  mass  of  people. 
The  public  is  not  a  body  to  experiment  upon. 
Public  discussion,  except  for  individual  ex- 
ploitation, amounts  to  nothing  unless  the  per- 
son who  discusses  exemplifies  his  theory  in 
his  own  conduct. 

The  United  States  was  not  organized  into 
a  government  for  the  purpose  of  demonstrat- 
ing as  an  intellectual  problem  that  our  sys- 
tem was  wiser  than  any  other  system.  It  was 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  great- 
est latitude  without  license  to  an  individual 
to  work  out  his  earthly  career  and  to  profit 
as  fully  as  may  be  by  his  own  talents  and 
energy.  If  an  advantage  is  given  to  one  por- 
tion of  a  community  not  accorded  to  another 
through  the  means  of  law,  the  advantage  se- 
cured is  only  temporary.  We  have  been 
taught  from  childhood  about  certain  inalien- 
able rights.  We  have  not  studied  with  equal 
care  the  doctrine  of  unavoidable  obligation. 


170        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

The  man  who  steals  from  the  public  steals 
partly  from  himself,  although  he  may  be  a 
net  gainer  in  the  amount  taken.  If,  however, 
that  process  were  carried  to  an  extreme,  it 
can  readily  be  seen  that  the  law  would  be 
evaded,  and  if  the  majority  were  engaged  in 
it,  the  minority  would  be  without  protection. 
A  man  should  be  moral  not  from  fear  of 
punishment  but  from  the  consciousness  that 
by  being  otherwise  he  harms  himself  and  the 
rest.  There  is  little  virtue  in  non-perform- 
ance. More  good  comes  from  a  community 
where  aggressive  instincts  are  kept  in  re- 
straint by  moral  obligation,  than  from  one 
where  men  are  peaceable  because  lacking  the 
initiative  necessary  to  commit  an  overt  act. 
The  test  that  is  being  placed  upon  American 
citizenship  is  not  the  test  of  rights,  but  the 
test  of  obligation.  The  doctrine  of  commu- 
nity of  interest  is  just  as  strong  when  citizens 
are  counted  in  thousands  as  when  they  are 
counted  in  hundreds.  The  multiplication  of 
numbers  merely  obscures  the  issues.  If  a 
man  does  not  obey  the  law  as  a  matter  of 
moral  principle,  he  may  well  do  so  as  a  mat- 
ter of  selfish  expediency.  Most  of  the  vio- 
lations of  law  occur  because  the  offender  be- 
lieves that  he  may  not  be  detected,  and  that 
his  particular  offense  does  not  aifect  the  com- 


LAW  AND  MORALS  171 

munity  at  large.  If  each  man  could  be 
brought  to  the  conviction  that  his  offense 
might  place  offenders  in  the  majority,  he 
would  be  less  inclined  to  offend.  No  one 
knows  when  his  own  offense  may  serve  to 
bring  about  a  majority  of  offenders. 

A  crime  of  lasting  harm  to  the  state  is 
committed  when  a  man  votes  more  than  once 
at  the  same  election.  Next  in  harmfulness 
is  for  a  man  who  has  the  right  to  vote  not 
to  exercise  that  right.  For  a  man  to  vote 
more  than  once,  or  for  another  man  wrong- 
fully to  induce  him  so  to  do,  is  treason  to 
our  institutions.  The  immediate  effect  of 
that  single  duplication  of  votes  may  not  be 
felt.  By  the  casting  of  an  illegal  vote  every 
other  person  has  been  robbed  of  his  right 
under  the  law  to  express  himself  in  the 
mathematical  proportion  he  bears  to  all  the 
rest,  and  has  been  deprived  of  a  right  for 
which  there  is  no  compensation.  There  can 
be  no  majority  rule  if  any  one  of  the  votes 
out  of  which  grows  that  supposed  majority 
is  not  representative  of  an  actual  individual 
voter.  How  is  it  possible  ever  to  determine 
whether  a  majority  of  the  people  have  voted 
in  favor  of  this  or  that  policy  if  there  are 
more  ballots  cast  than  there  were  legal  voters 
at  the  polls  1 


172        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

Crimes  against  property  and  person  enu- 
merated in  the  penal  code,  while  they  may 
arouse  general  protest,  are  not  fundamen- 
tally as  harmful  as  prostitution  of  the  ballot. 
The  history  of  the  race  may  be  summed  up 
in  the  right  to  the  ballot.  The  right  to  exer- 
cise the  ballot  carries  with  it  the  obligation 
not  to  rob  another  of  his  right  to  have  full 
force  given  to  the  ballot  he  may  cast.  By 
the  determination  of  those  very  ballots  is  the 
moral  sentiment  of  the  community  expressed, 
and  that  moral  sentiment,  working  through 
representatives,  passes  the  laws  which  estab- 
lish order.  When  other  than  moral  suasion 
or  argument  is  used  in  inducing  a  man  to 
vote  more  than  once,  or  once  when  not  en- 
titled to,  somebody,  somewhere,  has  been 
robbed  of  his  rights.  Whenever  American 
affairs  are  subjected  to  the  slightest  analysis, 
it  clearly  appears  that  every  benefit  to  be 
realized  depends  upon  the  lawful  act  of  the 
voter.  There  is  nothing  as  important  to  the 
people  as  establishing  in  the  public  mind  that 
no  citizen  is  a  good  citizen  who  does  not  vote ; 
that  no  one  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  more 
than  once  or  under  improper  inducement; 
and  that  a  different  course  entails  the  loss 
of  the  means  of  self-government. 

The  writer  believes  there  is  no  problem 


LAW  AND  MORALS  173 

before  the  American  public  to-day,  whether 
it  be  that  of  monopoly,  grinding  of  the  poor 
by  the  rich,  the  robbing  of  the  public  treas- 
ury, or  whatever  form  the  complications  of 
life  may  assume,  that  equals,  for  a  moment, 
the  far-reaching  and  final  importance  of  pro- 
tecting the  method  of  establishing  the  public 
will  by  an  honest  ballot.  That  ballot  repre- 
sents the  strife  of  centuries.  It  stands  for 
the  struggles  of  the  human  race  for  freedom. 
It  is  the  personification,  or  should  be,  of 
American  life.  Not  only  should  the  casting 
of  the  ballot  be  protected  by  law,  but  there 
should  be  a  recognized  standard  of  moral 
conduct  in  the  community  which  will  not  tol- 
erate the  violation  of  the  rights  of  another 
by  the  casting  of  an  unlawful  ballot.  That 
standard  should  be  so  high  on  the  part  of 
men  of  all  classes  that  to  violate  it  would 
bring  about  immediate  condemnation. 

It  has  happened  heretofore  that  party  di- 
visions have  been  such  that  the  actual  result 
from  an  unlawful  multiplication  of  ballots 
has  not  always  been  apparent.  It  is  fre- 
quently found  difficult  to  get  convictions  of 
violators  of  the  election  laws  because  juries 
are  not  fully  impressed  with  the  seriousness 
of  the  crime  committed  by  the  man  who  votes 
more  than  once.     The  attitude  of  the  public 


174        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

on  this  question  must  come  about  entirely 
apart  from  law.  It  must  be  the  result  of 
reason  and  of  morals.  It  should  take  but 
little  thought  for  anyone,  to  understand  that 
when  one  personally  countenances  or  con- 
dones in  another  violations  of  the  election 
laws,  he  strikes  at  the  foundations  of  gov- 
ernment. The  fact  that  it  may  not  be  dis- 
covered, or  that  discovery  is  difficult,  fur- 
nishes no  palliation.  In  reforms  sought  to  be 
imposed,  and  in  the  importance  of  this  or 
that  method,  the  people  lose  sight  of  funda- 
mentals, and  forget  that  the  end  does  not 
justify  the  means.  The  spirit  of  controversy 
does  not  give  excuse  for  using  instrumentali- 
ties that  are  immoral  and  which  if  persisted 
in  would  threaten  government  itself. 

There  is  no  demonstration  when  a  man  who 
is  only  entitled  to  vote  once  votes  twice.  The 
offense  may  be  known  to  only  a  few,  perhaps 
to  one  or  two  who  are  the  instigators.  Out- 
side of  a  question  of  morals,  the  use  of  mul- 
tiplication would  demonstrate  to  the  mind  of 
a  child  that  the  wrong  is  both  one  of  kind 
and  one  of  degree.  The  writer  will  be  en- 
tirely satisfied  if  his  contribution  to  good 
government  shall  be  the  arousing  in  the  pub- 
lic mind  of  a  keener  sense  of  responsibility 
for  the  protection  of  the  ballot.    That  funda- 


LAW  AND  MORALS  175 

mental  proposition,  as  the  writer  sees  it,  is 
that  the  man  who  has  the  right  to  vote,  shall : 
that  the  man  who  has  not  the  right  to  vote, 
shall  not. 

All  the  proposed  reforms  that  fill  the  pub- 
lic prints  and  cause  discussion  are  secondary 
to  this.  When  the  ballot  is  protected  as  a 
man  would  protect  the  virtue  of  his  wife  or 
the  lives  of  his  children,  the  ballot  will  mean 
something.  The  man  who  does  not  vote 
should  be  disfranchised.  The  man  who  votes 
knowingly  more  than  once  should  be  expelled 
from  the  community.  The  man  who  induces 
another  to  vote  more  than  once  is  upon  a 
plane  lower  than  the  illegal  voter.  With  the 
ballot  representing  the  actual  mental  and 
moral  desire  of  a  community  and  the  ma- 
jority of  those  ballots  spelling  out  that  moral 
and  mental  desire,  no  one  has  cause  for  com- 
plaint who  lives  under  the  rule  of  a  majority, 
and  he  must  accept  the  result  until  it  is 
changed.  If  he  does  not  approve  the  result 
he  can  emigrate.  We  are  progressing  back- 
wards if  reform  does  not  start  on  the  foun- 
dation— the  ballot. 


THE    PUBLIC    AND    PUBLIC 
OPINION 


THE    PUBLIC    AND    PUBLIC 
OPINION 

In  dictionary  phrase  the  public  is  "  the 
people  collectively." 

To  the  merchant  it  is  all  possible  purchas- 
ers. To  the  physician  it  is  all  who  are  ill. 
To  the  undertaker  it  is  all  who  have  unsuc- 
cessfully employed  the  physician.  To  the 
lawyer  it  is  all  who  need  what  he  knows.  To 
the  political  leader  it  means  all  who  will 
probably  vote  on  election  day. 

Public  opinion  is  the  aggregate  sentiment 
of  the  people  towards  any  given  topic.  Gen- 
erally when  a  man  declares  what  public 
opinion  is,  he  merely  describes  what  he  be- 
lieves the  public  ought  to  think  on  some  par- 
ticular subject.  When  he  goes  a  step  further 
and  insists  that  the  public  is  demanding 
something,  he  in  effect  constitutes  himself 
the  public  voice.  The  tendency  to  do  this 
marks  the  politician. 

To  obtain  office  or  influence,  the  politician 

179 


180        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

must  be  able  to  anticipate  the  opinion  of  the 
majority.  By  repeatedly  declaring  a  sup- 
posed majority  opinion  lie  helps  to  form  it, 
and  the  momentum  thus  established  by  re- 
iteration frequently  produces  the  result 
sought.  The  only  qualified  representatives 
of  the  public  are  those  elected  at  the  polls. 
They  represent  it  in  making,  interpreting  or 
enforcing  the  law,  and  in  following  the  direc- 
tions contained  in  the  party  platforms.  They 
contribute  to  public  opinion  by  setting  forth 
the  knowledge  gained  in  the  performance  of 
their  duties. 

Sometimes  officials  are  elected  without 
reference  to  the  tenets  of  any  party  and  are 
instructed  to  follow  their  own  judgment. 
When  candidates  are  elected  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  public  has  not  only  conferred 
upon  them  the  right  to  exercise  official  au- 
thority, but  has  virtually  accepted  their 
opinion  as  its  own. 

Any  individual  expressions  as  to  what  it 
is  best  for  the  public  to  do  should  be  taken 
only  as  part  of  the  general  contribution  of 
ideas,  to  be  considered  and  mentally  digested 
in  conjunction  with  all  others.  The  final  re- 
sult should  disclose  the  composite  thought 
indicating  the  average  opinion  of  the  entire 
population. 


THE  PUBLIC  AXD  PUBLIC  OPINION     181 

Iu  the  world  of  politics  practice  varies 
greatly  from  theory.  It  may  be  said  with 
fair  approximation  that  in  a  national  election 
two-thirds  of  the  voting  population  is  divided 
between  those  who  are  accustomed  to  act 
with  the  republican  or  democratic  parties. 
The  other  one-third  is  comparatively  indiffer- 
ent. Of  two-thirds  of  the  membership  of 
each  of  these  parties  it  may  be  said  with 
equal  truth  that  they  are  too  indifferent  to 
take  an  active  interest  in  affairs,  and  one- 
third  furnishes  all  the  effective  activity. 

When  an  election  occurs  the  active  third 
of  those  composing  each  party  seeks  to 
arouse  the  interest  of  the  remaining  two- 
thirds;  then  both  parties  appeal  to  the  re- 
maining third  of  the  voting  population  not 
associated  with  themselves,  and  this  remain- 
ing third  usually  determines  the  result.  The 
number  engaged  in  political  management  is 
small  in  proportion  to  the  great  number  en- 
titled to  vote. 

With  these  conditions  admitted,  it  is  clearly 
demonstrable  that  actual  public  opinion  is 
difficult  to  determine  and  that  its  real  force 
us  Beldam  made  apparent.  Of  course,  in  a 
state  as  distinguished  from  a  nation,  or  in 
a  city  as  distinguished  from  a  state,  where 
the  numbers  are  fewer,  local  opinion  can  be 


182        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

more  quickly  aroused,  crystallized,  and  made 
to  be  more  fairly  expressed  at  the  polls. 

Theoretically,  the  entire  population  is  al- 
ways ready  to  express  its  own  opinion.  Prac- 
tically, it  not  only  is  not  ready,  but  has  no 
well-formed  opinion  to  express. 

Men  apparently  feel  so  much  confidence 
in  the  ability  of  our  institutions  to  perpetuate 
themselves,  that  they  render  little  or  no  as- 
sistance toward  the  accomplishment  of  that 
desired  end.  They  are  satisfied  to  criticise 
the  men  who  endeavor,  successfully  or  not, 
to  achieve  practical  results.  They  have 
neither  the  courage  nor  the  inclination  to 
act,  but  limit  themselves  to  perturbing  com- 
ments. They  seem  not  to  realize  that  they 
are  a  part  of  the  militant  public  and  propor- 
tionately responsible  for  public  opinion. 

Political  conduct  is  more  strongly  affected 
by  example  than  by  precept.  It  does  not  re- 
quire rare  genius  to  frame  an  aphorism  or 
evolve  an  epigram  that  contains  sound  wis- 
dom, but  the  force  of  both  epigram  and  aph- 
orism would  be  sadly  weakened  were  it  dis- 
covered that  the  conduct  of  the  author  were 
not  in  harmony  with  the  expressed  moral. 
Nothing  disturbs  public  confidence  more  than 
to  discover  that  those  high  in  authority  who 
are  accustomed  to  lay  down  set  rules  for  the 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     183 

guidance  of  others  do  not  act  in  accordance 
with  their  own  precepts. 

Sometimes  a  very  estimable  man  is  elected 
to  public  office  whose  ideas,  though  highly 
commendable  in  themselves,  are  not  in  har- 
mony with  those  of  the  majority  of  his  con- 
stituents because  they  are  not  intellectually 
abreast  of  him.  Such  men  are  never  virtually 
representative,  nor  can  they  successfully 
make  their  opinion  that  of  their  public.  The 
usefulness  of  these  officials  is  greatly  dimin- 
ished, and  equally  moral  but  less  intellectual 
men  might  advantageously  replace  them  be- 
cause, being  closer  to  their  constituency,  they 
would  probably  be  able  to  bring  about  at 
least  a  degree  of  improvement.  The  superior 
man,  on  the  other  hand,  is  apt  to  defeat  his 
own  ends  by  attempting  to  advance  so  rap- 
idly that  his  public  cannot  follow  him.  What- 
ever the  proposition  under  discussion  may 
be,  if  the  person  who  advances  it  has  neither 
the  art  nor  the  influence  to  make  others  de- 
sire it,  it  is  too  much  to  expect  the  law  to 
bring  about  the  proposed  change.  The  ma- 
jority must  be  in  favor  of  a  law  to  insure 
its  enforcement.  A  minority  can  be  com- 
pelled to  observe  it. 

If  the  sign  at  the  crossroads  is  so  high 
that  it  cannot  be  read,  the  traveler  may  be 


184        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

delayed  in  reaching  his  destination.  If  the 
law  keeps  too  far  in  advance  the  people  never 
catch  up.  Laws  arc  always  somewhat  in  ad- 
vance of  the  people,  but  need  not  be  out  of 
sight. 

When  a  recommendation  by  an  executive 
does  not  meet  with  the  approval  of  a  legis- 
lature, the  difference  of  opinion  assumes  the 
form  of  a  personal  contest  in  the  eyes  of  the 
public,  which  immediately  takes  sides,  re- 
gardless of  the  issues  involved.  If  the  execu- 
tive forces  the  legislature  to  follow  his  views, 
the  people  applaud  him  as  a  victor.  If  the 
measure  fails,  he  is  proclaimed  defeated. 
Months  or  years  may  elapse  before  the  public 
realizes  that  what  it  took  for  a  contest  of 
views  was  merely  a  conflict  of  ambitions.  It 
may  even  learn  that  each  side  had  invoked 
public  support  by  interjecting  the  element  of 
self-imposed  martyrdom. 

A  large  part  of  the  public  is  composed  of 
immigrants  who  come  to  us  in  vast  numbers 
by  virtue  of  a  standing  invitation,  and  be- 
cause they  are  dissatisfied  with  conditions  in 
their  native  land.  When  they  arrive  they 
know  little  of  the  conduct  of  American  poli- 
tics. To  them  the  man  in  public  office  is  the 
one  charged  with  final  authority,  who  marks 
the  line  beyond  which  they  cannot  go.    Left 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     185 

without  the  association  of  men  who  have  al- 
ready profited  by  being  here,  who  are  inter- 
ested in  the  elevation  of  society,  and  who,  to 
the  immigrants,  represent  the  American  peo- 
ple, they  fail  to  become  imbued  with  the  true 
spirit  of  American  institutions.  When  they 
see  pilfering  in  public  office,  when  they  are 
taught  that  political  favors  may  be  bought 
with  money,  when  they  observe  men  in  the 
highest  walks  of  life  engaged  in  vituperation, 
it  is  not  strange  that  they  should  fail  to  make 
any  real  contribution  to  the  public  welfare. 
The  promptness,  however,  with  which  they 
seek  citizenship  and  learn  to  participate  in 
public  affairs,  although  not  always  wisely, 
should  be  an  inspiration  to  emulate  them 
rather  than  a  cause  for  criticism.  It  is  better 
to  endeavor  and  to  err  than  not  to  have  the 
courage  to  attempt. 

Generally  speaking,  the  immigrant  in  his 
gradual  progress  toward  a  point  where  he 
merges  into  American  citizenship  and  helps 
to  make  public  opinion,  seeks  the  advance- 
ment of  his  children  with  rarest  care.  He 
practices  the  greatest  self-denial  in  order  to 
educate  them  and  to  place  them  upon  a  higher 
plane  than  he  himself  occupies,  and  to  insure 
their  becoming  active  factors  in  the  life  of 
the  Republic. 


186        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

It  is  while  making  this  progress  in  develop- 
ment that  association  with  others  than  those 
of  his  own  class  is  of  greatest  benefit.  For- 
tunately, that  these  facts  are  being  recog- 
nized more  thoroughly  every  day  is  shown  in 
the  work  of  settlements  and  societies  for  the 
improvement  of  social  conditions.  The  immi- 
grant is  being  advanced  far  more  rapidly 
than  in  past  years. 

In  the  crowded  sections  of  large  cities  lies 
the  chief  danger  to  the  newly  arrived,  pro- 
spective citizen.  The  second  generation  of 
these  people,  finding  itself  better  circum- 
stanced than  the  first,  more  keenly  appre- 
ciates the  benefits  redounding  from  a  strict 
observance  of  our  laws,  and  this  appreciation 
continually  voiced  helps  mightily  to  form 
wholesome  public  opinion. 

On  the  other  hand,  long  enjoyment  of  ad- 
vantages dulls  the  sense  of  obligation  for 
them,  and  when  this  results  in  non-participa- 
tion in  the  duties  of  citizenship  the  effect  is 
indeed  deplorable.  A  man  who  neglects  these 
duties,  morally  loses  the  right  to  continue 
to  participate  in  the  advantages.  At  present 
it  may  not  be  possible  to  deny  him  his  formal 
rights  under  the  law,  but  he  should  be  at 
least  denied  his  claimed  right  to  contrib- 
ute  toward   public   opinion.     He   cannot   be 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     187 

prevented  from  voting,  but  no  one  is 
compelled  to  waste  time  conversing  with 
him. 

A  formal  census  of  public  opinion  is  taken 
nationally  in  this  country  every  four  years. 
That  opinion  is  recorded  in  votes,  and  no 
one  knows  in  advance  what  it  is  going  to  be. 
Presumably  it  is  formed  during  the  time  in- 
tervening between  elections.  If  those  years 
are  advantageously  devoted  to  thought  on 
public  affairs,  votes  are  cast  intelligently  and 
wisely,  and  society  is  benefited.  The  proba- 
bilities are  that  public  opinion  has  not  been 
rapidly  forming  between  campaigns,  and  too 
much  thinking  is  left  to  the  time  of  cam- 
paign excitement.  People  have  a  general 
idea  of  what  is  going  on,  but  frequently  the 
real  facts  from  which  they  could  draw  con- 
clusions are  not  within  general  knowledge. 
Leading  statesmen  are  so  busy  in  disparag- 
ing each  other  and  in  enjoying  the  satisfac- 
tion of  apparent  authority  that  the  public 
is  apt  to  be  overlooked.  The  result  is  that, 
during  the  heat  of  political  controversy,  while 
the  public  is  continually  appealed  to  for  its 
approval  it  has  not  the  means  of  distinguish- 
ing between  facts  and  the  opinions  of  the 
contending  leaders,  who  are  often  more  inter- 
ested in  the  prospective  pleasure  of  serving 


188        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

up  the  public  than  they  are  of  having  the 
public  well  served. 

The  public  has  so  far  successfully  reserved 
to  itself  the  right  to  think,  however  imper- 
fectly it  may  do  so.  It  is  attracted  by  force- 
ful personality;  it  responds  to  the  magnetic 
qualities  in  men;  it  applauds  with  spon- 
taneity and  emphasis;  it  is  given  to  hero- 
worship.  Instinctively,  however,  the  public 
maintains  control  over  its  own  mental  proc- 
esses and  permits  no  individual  long  to  usurp 
its  exclusive  attention.  What  happens  in 
practice  is  that  men  or  parties  seeking  pre- 
ferment in  the  conduct  of  affairs  make  vari- 
ous plans  for  the  public,  and  on  election  day 
seek  approval  of  themselves,  or,  to  be  more 
accurate,  disapproval  of  their  opponents. 
The  public  necessarily  speaks  last,  as  it 
speaks  through  the  ballot,  and  no  man,  how- 
ever distinguished,  can  be  assured  that  the 
citizens  generally  will  follow  his  lead  for  an 
indefinite  period.  Often  the  period  of  leader- 
ship has  extended  over  an  appreciable  num- 
ber of  years.  The  ability  to  suggest  new 
topics,  to  appear  before  the  public  in  differ- 
ent lights,  to  be  able  accurately  to  voice  the 
ideas  of  the  many,  lengthens  the  duration  of 
leaderships. 

The  turning  point  in  the  effective  leader- 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     189 

ship  of  an  individual  is  apt  to  occur  when 
the  force  of  his  own  self-appreciation  as  a 
leader  dulls  his  judgment  and  causes  him  to 
foist  his  personal  views  upon  the  public,  in- 
stead of  continuing  to  act  as  its  spokesman. 
The  public  may  appreciate  his  views,  but 
does  not  consider  them  its  own.  He  then 
becomes  a  suppliant  for  its  good  will  rather 
than  its  representative,  and  finds  himself  at 
once  one  of  an  increasing  number  competing 
for  public  favor,  rather  than  alone  enjoying 
the  favor  already  obtained. 

Many  one-time  influential  men  have  lost 
their  influence  by  failing  to  appreciate  that 
the  public  is  not  impersonal.  It  is  just  as 
personal  as  the  individuals  whose  aggregate 
form  it.  The  wisest  and  most  effective  mold- 
ers  of  public  opinion  are  those  who  maintain 
at  least  the  appearance  of  acting  with  the 
people,  rather  than  insisting  that  the  people 
shall  act  with  them  because  they  may  have 
accurately  voiced  public  sentiment  in  the 
past.  Tact  and  discretion  are  qualities 
quite  as  valuable  as  wisdom  and  forceful- 
ness. 

With  the  increasing  population  the  general 
public  is  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  center 
of  affairs,  and  succeeding  years  will  augment 
this  distance. 


190        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

The  public  is  easily  aroused  by  scandal  and 
slowly  moved  by  argument.  Agitation  dis- 
turbs its  nerves,  but  agitators  are  ultimately 
destroyed  by  its  nerve.  The  public  punishes 
with  tremendous  force  any  infidelity  to  trust. 
It  also  rewards  with  the  intoxication  of  ap- 
plause those  who  may  temporarily  gain  its 
favor.  Irregularly  and  captiously  made 
charges,  not  proven  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  public,  cause  much  temporary  agitation 
but  result  in  final  contumely  for  the  agi- 
tator. 

Prominent  statesmen  and  politicians  cry 
"  go  to  the  public."  The  practice  is  to  keep 
away  from  it.  The  men  claiming  to  speak 
for  the  public  roar  about  the  necessity  of 
taking  the  public  into  their  confidence.  They 
know  better.  They  know  that  they  only  tell 
the  public  what  they  think  it  is  wise  for  it 
to  know.  It  may  properly  be  urged  that 
there  often  are  questions,  for  instance,  con- 
cerning international  matters,  where  only  re- 
sults can  be  given.  This  is  true.  But  it 
does  not  excuse  the  habit  of  telling  the  public 
that  it  is  receiving  all  the  facts  when  it  is 
not.  There  is  every  reason  why  an  executive 
or  a  person  in  any  representative  capacity 
should  say  frankly  to  the  public  that  he  is 
engaged  in  working  out  the  details  of  an  in- 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     191 

tricate  problem,  and  ask  that  public  opinion 
be  held  in  abeyance.  If  his  reason  for  with- 
holding the  facts  is  clear,  and  there  is  faith 
in  the  integrity  of  his  motives,  the  public 
can  be  trusted  to  postpone  its  criticism.  If 
the  public  thinks  it  has  been  given  all  the 
facts  in  a  controversy  it  will  for  a  time  follow 
the  man  who  purported  to  place  it  in  posses- 
sion of  them.  The  multitude  is  apt  at  first 
blush  to  accept  as  true  what  it  is  told.  Its 
suspicions  are  usually  awakened  when  one 
man  competing  for  its  favor  shows  that  an- 
other has  misrepresented.  Crime  may  be 
condoned;  hypocrisy  should  never  be  for- 
given. 

A  man  of  self-admitted  wisdom  is  never 
literally  frank  with  the  public,  because  he 
necessarily  believes  himself  to  be  so  wise  that 
the  public  could  neither  understand  his  rea- 
soning nor  the  facts  upon  which  he  bases  it. 
He  therefore  states  conclusions.  If  those 
conclusions  are  not  accepted,  he  is  persuaded 
of  the  ignorance  of  the  public.  His  deduc- 
tion is  erroneous,  because  what  the  public 
really  wanted  was  the  pleasure  of  thinking 
out  the  problem  with  him,  and  it  is  not  satis- 
fied with  having  the  result  patronizingly 
handed  to  it  as  a  favor. 

There  is  a  great  difference  between  talking 


192        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

at  the  public  and  talking  with  it.  The  former 
is  a  pastime  frequently  indulged  in  by  bom- 
bastic gentlemen,  anxious  to  impress  their 
hearers  with  a  sense  of  their  own  importance. 
Talking  with  the  public  necessitates  the  will- 
ingness to  impart  to  it  whatever  essential 
knowledge  may  be  in  the  possession  of  the 
speaker  or  writer,  and  to  answer  all  perti- 
nent demands  for  information  on  the  part  of 
the  audience.  In  order  to  really  talk  with 
the  public,  the  speaker  must  be  in  sympathy 
with  its  needs,  learned  from  contact  with 
life. 

Actually  the  potential  creative  public  is 
made  up  of  those  men  who,  participating  in 
public  affairs  as  a  matter  of  duty  or  even 
of  expediency  seek  to  act  for  the  benefit  of 
all  others  as  well  as  for  that  of  themselves, 
whether  the  latter  is  realized  in  honors,  ap- 
plause, salary,  or  the  satisfaction  of  a  duty 
performed. 

It  is  the  province  of  the  general  public, 
not  of  one  man  more  than  of  another,  to 
devise  ways  and  means,  for  instance,  for 
taking  care  of  the  indigent  and  insane.  If 
this  is  not  done  as  a  matter  of  humanity,  not 
only  the  indigent  and  insane  suffer,  but  the 
general  public  also.  Fortunately,  our  insti- 
tutions  furnish  opportunities  for  so  many 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     193 

minds  and  dispositions,  that  there  will  al- 
ways be  some  who,  either  from  a  sense  of 
civic  duty  or  for  personal  reasons,  or  both, 
will  take  the  lead  in  these  and  other  kindred 
matters  and  by  discussion  and  statute  bring- 
about  better  conditions. 

When  an  immigrant  peddler,  ignorant 
maybe  of  the  local  ordinances,  is  arrested  for 
vending  his  wares  in  the  streets  of  New  York 
without  a  license,  he  considers  himself  abused 
and,  therefore,  is  against  the  government. 
He  has  not  yet  reached  a  conception  of  com- 
munity interest,  and  does  not  understand  that 
his  license  fee  helps  to  provide  revenue  for 
the  entire  city,  and  that  he  reaps  the  benefit 
of  improvements  paid  for  in  this  way,  thus 
receiving  many  advantages  through  the  very 
money  he  contributes.  When  his  personal 
habits  are  interfered  with  by  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws  on  health,  he  views  those  laws 
in  the  light  of  a  nuisance.  The  fact  that  all 
human  life  is  regulated  in  a  measure  by  con- 
forming to  certain  rules  strikes  him  at  that 
time  as  an  intrusion  upon  his  personal  rights 
in  this  "  new-found  land  of  liberty."  With 
the  multiplication  of  ideas  born  of  experience 
and  observation,  later  he  frequently  accepts 
as  binding  upon  himself  what  is  generally 
considered  best  for  the  average,  and  in  the 


194        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

genuineness  of  his  conversion  becomes  a 
fierce  protestant  against  anyone  else  doing 
what  he  himself  did  but  a  few  years 
before. 

This  same  man  becomes  confused  when  he 
reads  in  the  newspapers  that  prominent  citi- 
zens, to  whom  he  instinctively  looks  up,  are 
charged  with  interfering  with  the  rights  of 
the  public,  in  their  conduct  of  corporations. 
He  wonders  why  he  was  arrested  for  his  first 
small  offense,  when  they  are  not.  His  confi- 
dence in  the  law  is  impaired.  His  respect  for 
law  and  order  is  only  regained  when  he  begins 
to  observe  that  the  majority  of  men  obey 
the  law,  and  that  the  practice  is  to  punish 
the  minority  who  disobey  it. 

In  discussions  referring  to  public  opinion 
it  is  assumed  that  all  men  are  thinking  about 
some  particular  topic  at  a  given  time.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  minds  of  relatively  few 
are  engaged  with  it.  These  are  in  advance 
of  the  rest.  They  have  made  investigations, 
arrived  at  conclusions,  and  are  arguing  for 
their  acceptance.  The  medium  between  the 
advanced  thinkers  and  those  who  have  not 
the  opportunity  for  original  investigation  is 
the  press.  When  the  press  accurately  reports 
the  opinions  of  real  leaders  of  thought  it  is 
a  public  agent  of  far-reaching  importance. 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION    195 

When  the  newspapers  distort  the  opinions 
of  men  given  to  research  and  reflection  and 
present  them  to  their  readers  in  garbled  form, 
offering  the  opinion  of  an  editor  as  a  substi- 
tute for  facts,  they  cloud  the  issue  and  pre- 
vent the  public  from  arriving  at  wise  con- 
clusions. Editors  have  unusual  opportunities 
to  observe  a  multitude  of  conditions  which 
pass  before  them  in  the  performance  of  their 
daily  duties.  It  is  not  possible,  however,  for 
their  judgment  always  to  be  as  reliable  as 
that  of  an  individual  who  gives  his  time  ex- 
clusively to  the  investigation  of  a  particular 
subject. 

To  the  public  the  newspaper  appears  as  a 
lamp  of  wisdom,  with  ever-burning  and 
broadly  illuminating  flame.  They  do  not 
stop  to  reason  that  the  views  expressed  in 
the  editorial  columns  are  those  of  a  single 
man  whose  time  is  necessarily  divided  be- 
tween the  study  of  so  many  topics  that 
his  opinion  could  hardly  be  final  on  any 
one. 

If  the  newspaper  does  not  accurately  re- 
port the  opinions  of  an  individual  who  is 
endeavoring  to  contribute  to  the  public  knowl- 
edge of  facts,  it  robs  the  people  of  the  valu- 
able conclusions  of  another  mind,  which  it 
is  entitled  to  have  for  the  purpose  of  assist- 


196        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ing  in  forming  its  own  ideas.  This  does  not 
eliminate  the  right  of  the  newspaper  to  ex- 
press its  own  opinions  editorially,  but  when 
an  individual  editor  makes  a  statement  not 
predicated  upon  facts,  and  allows  it  to  go 
to  the  public  as  if  it  were,  the  conclu- 
sions of  the  public  will  be  wrong  and  its 
action  at  the  polls  will  be  disappointing, 
although  perhaps  not  to  that  particular 
editor. 

This  country  is  especially  subject  to  radi- 
cal and  revolutionary  ideas.  This  tendency 
is  fostered  by  freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of 
congregation,  and  freedom  of  the  press. 
Therefore,  the  best  thought,  conduct  and  in- 
fluence of  conservative,  conscientious  men  is 
needed  to  offset  pernicious  doctrines  that 
might  otherwise  be  adopted  as  the  result  of 
agitation.  Because  of  an  entirely  local  con- 
dition, propaganda  may  be  instituted  de- 
manding state  or  national  legislation.  The 
people  are  called  upon  at  once  to  change  their 
mode  of  life  and  traditions.  More  are  drawn 
into  the  discussion,  and,  oblivious  of  its  actual 
merits,  follow  this  or  that  side  according  to 
the  cleverness  of  the  leading  advocates  of  the 
new  idea.  The  public  mind  is  diverted  from 
the  contemplation  of  fundamental  principles 
to  that  of  abstract  theory,  and  turns  from 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     197 

what  has  been  demonstrated  to  be  of  value 
to  that  which  is  entirely  experimental. 

Action  taken  at  a  public  meeting  is  fre- 
quently pointed  to  as  indicating  public 
opinion  on  a  particular  topic.  The  protest 
of  an  inconsiderable  minority  is  interpreted 
as  the  public  attitude.  The  fact  is,  the  gen- 
eral public  probably  had  little  to  do  with 
the  meeting.  A  few  men,  sometimes  only  one 
or  two,  hire  a  hall,  distribute  handbills,  and 
curiosity  fills  the  meeting-place  with  an  audi- 
ence. A  skillful  phrase  introduced  into  a 
set  of  resolutions  takes  the  place  of  an  issue. 
Cleverly  expressed  denunciation  of  an  evil 
forms  the  basis  of  a  protest,  and  the  reading 
public  is  apt  to  rush  to  the  conclusion  that 
back  of  the  meeting  there  is  a  condition  that 
justifies  an  uprising.  Stripped  of  the  para- 
phernalia of  agitation,  there  will  frequently 
be  disclosed  an  individual  furthering  a  per- 
sonal plan,  under  the  excuse  of  the  demand 
of  the  multitude. 

The  public  displays  its  greatest  lack  of 
judgment  in  the  little  attention  it  pays  to 
the  selection  of  representatives.  They  are 
the  direct  product  of  the  primaries,  because 
on  election  day  choice  must  practically  be 
made  between  the  names  on  the  ballots. 
Nominations  by  petition  require  a  greater 


198        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

outlay  of  expense  and  more  time  than  in- 
dividuals are  apparently  willing  to  give  to 
them. 

The  smaller  the  political  division  from 
which  delegates  are  chosen  the  greater  the 
opportunity  to  exercise  care  in  selecting 
them.  Successful  candidates  really  reflect 
the  character  of  the  voters  at  the  primaries 
more  than  they  do  that  of  the  voters  on  elec- 
tion day. 

The  fundamentals  in  political  life  are  few, 
and  do  not  vary  in  character  from  those  in 
any  other  walk.  The  power  to  discriminate 
between  essentials  and  non-essentials  indi- 
cates rare  wisdom.  While  the  tendency  to 
create  mountains  out  of  molehills  is  regret- 
table, it  is  less  dangerous  than  to  ignore  the 
molehill  and  its  pernicious  maker,  while 
wasting  time  and  energy  upon  imaginary 
mountains.  Many  a  case  of  toothache  appar- 
ently abates  as  the  dentist's  door  is  ap- 
proached because  the  mind  has  been  diverted 
from  the  first  pain  to  contemplation  of  the 
greater  anticipated  pain  to  be  caused  by 
the  extraction  of  the  tooth.  The  sufferer 
imagines  he  is  well  and  the  ministrations  of 
the  dentist  are  dispensed  with,  while  the 
tooth  is  allowed  to  continue  in  decay.  So  it 
is  with  the  public.    Instead  of  fixing  its  at- 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     199 

tention  upon  a  recognized  defect  and  eradi- 
cating it,  with  slight  pain,  it  rushes  into  a 
discussion  of  greater  possible  evils,  and  dis- 
sipates its  energy  in  attacking  the  Quixotic 
windmills  of  supposititious  dangers.  While 
thus  engaged  the  lesser  but  immediate  evil, 
which  has  been  considered  too  petty  to  com- 
mand attention,  may  assume  serious  propor- 
tions. 

Men  have  died  in  the  enjoyment  of  poverty 
while  possessed  of  means  ample  for  comfort. 
The  comparative  happiness  of  others  has 
been  turned  into  discontent  by  men  deliber- 
ately seeking  to  create  public  unrest  that 
they  may  be  employed  to  allay  it.  If  there 
is  real  cause  for  discontent,  there  is  also 
a  real  remedy.  That  remedy  is  the  ballot 
when  intelligently  cast. 

The  politician  constantly  urges  the  neces- 
sity of  new  laws  for  old  evils.  If  the  public 
acted  with  supreme  wisdom  it  would  confine 
the  activities  of  the  immoral  man  within  the 
narrowest  possible  limits,  by  general  pro- 
hibitive statutes.  It  would  then  provide, 
with  as  few  regulations  as  possible,  for  the 
remainder,  that  they  might  work  out  their 
own  individuality.  Their  walk  would  then  be 
natural  and  would  not  assume  the  halting 
step  of  the  man  just  discharged  from  prison. 


200        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

where  every  motion  had  been  acquired  under 
forced  regulation. 

The  public  should  not  act  as  if  living  for 
this  generation  alone.  If  the  Fathers  had  en- 
tertained any  such  belief  we  would  be  living 
under  a  different  form  of  government.  The 
future  cannot  take  care  of  itself.  The  pres- 
ent is  the  guardian  of  the  future.  It  is  also 
the  test  of  whether  the  guardianship  of  the 
past  was  wise. 

When  men  discuss  the  public  or  public 
opinion,  they  must  include  themselves.  They 
are  responsible  for  both  to  the  full  limit  of 
their  capacities.  If  by  chicanery  or  sophis- 
try they  secure  the  public  approval  of  meas- 
ures that  do  not  really  represent  their  own 
convictions  but  are  merely  expedient,  they 
have  sinned  against  the  public  and  have  con- 
tributed toward  a  condition  that  may  fur- 
nish the  punishment  for  their  own  wrongful 
acts. 

Public  opinion  controls  in  the  United 
States  when  the  majority  of  right-minded 
men  are  expressing  their  sentiments.  The 
size  of  the  majority  indicates  the  strength 
of  the  opinion.  Often  only  the  minority 
makes  itself  heard. 

The  army,  navy,  militia,  police — combined 
— could  not  preserve  order   in  the   United 


THE  PUBLIC  AND  PUBLIC  OPINION     201 

States  for  one  week  if  public  opinion  were 
not  in  favor  of  order. 

The  public  can  punish  without  jail  and 
reward  without  election  to  office.  The  closed 
door  of  social  ostracism  can  be  more  terrify- 
ing than  the  locked  door  of  a  cell. 

American  life  is  a  perpetual  competition 
within  the  limitations  of  law  and  morals. 
When  that  competition  reaches  a  point 
threatening  either  law  or  morals,  the  rights 
of  individuals  are  imperiled. 

No  man  can  live  his  political  life  alone. 
No  man  is  a  good  citizen  who  fails  to  recog- 
nize his  sentimental  and  legal  obligations  to- 
wards his  neighbor  and  the  community  in 
every  act.  A  man's  neighbors  are  not  alone 
those  who  live  on  the  same  block  with  him- 
self. His  real  neighbors  are  those  who  have 
the  same  rights  and  obligations.  The  size 
of  the  country  does  not  alter  the  relation- 
ship. 

American  life  is  a  mosaic  made  up  of  dif- 
ferent surfaces,  different  colors,  different 
figures. 

To  live  with  full  consciousness  of  the  poli- 
tical rights  of  and  obligations  to  others  is 
the  best  way  selfishly  to  insure  one's  own 
rights.  To  repeat,  for  emphasis,  the  greatest 
American  political  problem  is  to  cause  all  the 


202        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

people  to  think  upon  the  same  subject  at  the 
same  time.  The  next  in  point  of  importance 
is  to  cause  them  to  express  their  views  in  the 
only  effective  way:  at  the  polls. 

When  this  is  done,  there  is  a  public  opinion 
worthy  of  consideration. 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION 


XI 

POLITICAL  CORRUPTION 

Corruption  in  politics  is  not  confined  ex- 
clusively to  the  improper  use  of  money.  Evil 
may  result  from  practices  which,  while  not 
literally  legal  violations,  are  equally  harmful. 

In  discussions  relating  to  corruption  the 
popular  mind  turns  as  a  rule  to  instances  of 
improper  inducement  offered  to  legislators, 
to  evasions  of  the  spirit  of  the  law,  to  the 
skill  of  men  employed  for  that  purpose,  to 
the  employment  of  money  in  campaigns,  and 
to  practices  which  are  characterized  by  the 
well-understood  term  of  "  graft." 

In  a  sense,  graft  is  political  larceny.  It 
is  the  taking  of  money,  or  the  gaining  of  ad- 
vantage through  the  medium  of  official  oppor- 
tunity. Of  necessity  it  follows  that  someone 
charged  with  responsibility  has  violated  a 
duty,  a  trustee  has  proven  faithless.  The  law- 
making bodies  are  particularly  susceptible  to 
the  charge  of  corruption,  because  substantial 
benefits  are  frequently  conferred  by  statute. 

205 


206        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

The  public,  unorganized  and  not  acquainted 
with  the  influences  at  work,  is  unable  to  fully 
protect  itself,  and  naturally  resorts  to  the 
cry  of  attempted  fraud,  or  later,  of  probable 
fraud  committed. 

While  there  may  be  in  all  legislatures  a 
small  minority  susceptible  to  corrupt  induce- 
ment, the  influence  of  those  men  would  be 
unappreciable  if  the  measures  proposed  were 
deprived  of  party  sanction.  When  a  mem- 
ber of  the  legislature  sells  his  vote,  while  this 
fact  may  not  be  legally  provable,  it  becomes 
a  matter  of  general  knowledge  among  men 
who  make  it  their  business  to  keep  track  of 
such  conditions.  It  then  is  whispered  about 
that  someone  has  been  bribed,  and  from  this 
rumor  condemnation  is  visited  unjustly  upon 
many  who  have  been  pursuing  their  duty  with 
honest  intention  but  unconscious  that  they 
were  instruments  of  others. 

The  crime  of  bribery,  notwithstanding  the 
severity  of  penalties  prescribed,  results  in 
few  convictions,  from  the  difficulty  of  secur- 
ing corroboration  of  a  transaction  which 
secretly  engages  but  two  men  equal  in  guilt. 
Knowing  what  men  are  corruptible,  the  pro- 
fessional legislative  agent  has  his  duties 
much  simplified  and  is  enabled  to  regulate 
the  amounts  a  second  time  distributed  by  him, 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  207 

and  frequently  quietly  retains  a  substantial 
percentage  of  the  funds  intended  for  others, 
reporting  to  his  employers  the  expenditure  of 
the  entire  sum  appropriated.  The  one  who 
first  yielded  to  temptation  is  indirectly  pun- 
idied  by  his  own  cupidity,  because  the  deter- 
mining of  his  financial  value  is  passed  to  an- 
other. 

The  time-worn  expedient  of  dropping  a  roll 
of  bills,  apparently  accidentally,  to  be  picked 
up  later  by  clear  design  by  the  one  for  whom 
the  money  was  intended,  has  almost  become 
threadbare  through  frequent  use.  The  ex- 
pectedly  unexpected  discovery  of  money 
under  his  pillow  when  the  hard-working  legis- 
lator seeks  restful  slumber  after  a  day's 
work  is  a  less  novel  than  efficient  way  of  pre- 
venting proof  of  crime.  The  tribute  to  con- 
science paid  in  the  intentional  loss  of  a  few 
thousands  at  a  game  of  poker,  where  the 
stakes  ordinarily  would  not  be  above  one  hun- 
dred dollars,  would  cause  a  smile  were  the 
subject  not  so  serious.  Payment  to  an  in- 
spector not  to  discover  what  he  has  already 
observed  may  avoid  expense  in  the  lawful 
construction  of  a  building,  and  it  may  also 
result  in  the  loss  of  life.  The  thousand  and 
one  instances  of  petty  bribes  taken  or  paid, 
and  the  equal  number  of  advantages  obtained, 


208        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

show  differences  in  degree  and  not  in  kind. 
The  willingness  to  give  and  receive  unlawful 
inducements  will  continue  as  long  as  there 
are  men  whose  only  guide  is  expediency  and 
whose  cleverness  makes  detection  difficult. 
When  a  particular  instance  of  bribery  occurs 
there  arises  at  once  an  imperative  demand 
for  a  new  law  to  prevent  its  recurrence.  That 
law  is  readily  passed,  and  the  public  reverts 
to  a  condition  of  somnolence,  satisfied  that 
an  evil  has  been  eradicated.  It  seems  not  to 
occur  to  the  average  mind  that  the  evil  was 
an  instance  of  a  continuing  human  tendency. 
Watchfulness  is  required  as  much  after  the 
passage  of  the  new  law  as  before.  The  tend- 
ency remains,  to  reappear  again  in  another 
form. 

Political  corruption  indicates  not  alone  the 
high-water  mark  of  crime,  but  the  low-water 
mark  of  indolent  civic  virtue.  No  matter  how 
vigorous  may  be  the  spoken  protest  against 
it,  if  not  accompanied  by  equally  vigorous 
conduct,  corrupt  practices  will  continue  in 
increasing  measure. 

Now  and  then  an  individual  raises  his  voice 
in  protest  against  another  individual  or  a 
particular  condition,  and  is  at  once  set  down 
as  a  sorehead,  a  man  with  a  grievance,  or 
charged  with  having  been  kept  out  of  the 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  209 

combination  in  which  he  really  sought  to  be 
a  partner.  These  comments  are  often  insti- 
tuted by  persons  involved,  to  distract  atten- 
tion from  themselves.  Sometimes  these 
charges  are  true ;  meanwhile  the  general  pub- 
lic continues  along  its  quiet  way,  unmindful 
of  the  real  point  at  issue  and  the  actual  cause 
of  discord. 

It  requires  the  use  of  honest  money  to 
make  audible  a  protest  against  the  use  of 
dishonest  money.  It  requires  great  moral 
courage  to  institute  and  maintain  just  pro- 
test against  existing  wrongs.  It  may  mean 
the  loss  of  a  livelihood.  It  may  mean  so 
great  disparagement  to  the  one  protesting 
that  he  would  seem  justified  in  wavering. 
When  one  making  a  charge  against  another 
before  the  public  fails  to  prove  it,  either  from 
a  lack  of  opportunity  or  courage,  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  public  is  apt  to  go  toward  the 
one  accused.  Later-made  charges  against  the 
same  person  are  discounted,  and  immunity  is 
thus  gained  from  public  condemnation.  This 
fact  is  so  well  known  and  appreciated  by 
those  engaged  in  unlawful  pursuits  that  they 
frequently  seek  the  appearance  of  martyrdom 
as  a  cloak  for  their  conduct,  which  could  be 
covered  in  no  other  way. 

The  idea  that  the  public  in  the  first  instance 


210        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

regulates  improper  conditions  is  erroneous. 
The  public-  does  no  such  thing.  It  listens  to 
individuals.  Those  individuals  appeal  to  it 
for  votes  by  methods  consistent  with  their 
own  moral  ideas,  and  what  the  public  finally 
does  is  to  exercise  its  right  of  veto  against 
an  individual  or  a  plan  for  which  its  approval 
is  sought.  Whatever  idea  may  be  involved 
in  proposed  measures  theoretically  for  the 
benefit  of  all,  the  initiative  primarily  comes 
from  individuals  or  groups  seeking  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  voting  majority.  The  public  has 
submitted  to  it  on  election  day  always  two, 
and  sometimes  more,  propositions.  It  really 
votes  down  all  but  one.  That  one  is  adopted, 
not  necessarily  from  approval,  but  because 
it  seems  the  least  objectionable.  And  the 
same  thought  is  pertinent  to  candidates.  The 
successful  one  need  not  lay  the  flattering 
unction  to  his  soul  that  his  personality  has 
necessarily  met  with  full  approval.  The  fact 
may  be  the  public  has  disapproved  of  his 
opponent.  These  remarks  are  pertinent  in 
this  place  because  of  the  means  taken  and 
the  money  necessarily  expended  in  a  cam- 
paign to  find  out  what  the  public  position  is 
to  be.  If  men  who  inveigh  against  the 
money  corruption  of  politics  condone  it  by 
their  own  inactivity  and  seek  to  shirk  their 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  211 

moral  responsibility  by  refusing  to  employ 
their  weapon  of  offense  and  defense,  the  bal- 
lot, corruption  will  continue  as  long  as  there 
are  citizens  in  the  United  States.  It  smacks 
of  childishness  to  indulge  in  tears  and  wail- 
ings.  It  is  the  part  of  manhood  to  protest 
by  opposing  effort.  The  utterances  of  many 
public  men  resemble  the  sobs  of  childhood  in 
their  power  to  remedy  political  evil. 

The  use  of  money  in  campaigns  has  in- 
creased with  years,  and  will  continue  to  in- 
crease. The  legitimate  expenses  of  political 
contests  are  a  mark  of  their  intensity,  and 
frequently  are  traceable  to  the  indifference  of 
citizens  who  can  only  be  aroused  to  the  im- 
portance of  an  issue  by  having  fireworks  em- 
ployed to  attract  their  attention,  and  the 
music  of  bands  to  hold  it. 

Perfectly  legitimate  expenses  of  national 
campaigns  exceed  the  administrative  ex- 
penses of  some  of  the  smaller  states,  and 
would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  the  total 
debt  of  the  colonies  at  the  close  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. Statutes  regulating  the  expenses  of  can- 
didates and  restricting  the  uses  for  which 
money  may  be  employed  tend  to  lessen  the 
wrongful  use  of  money.  They  can  never 
eliminate  it,  and  the  argument  for  a  par- 
ticular proposed  law,   that  its   passage  will 


212        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

prevent  these  abuses,  serves  to  demonstrate 
a  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  real  causes  of  the 
abuses   themselves.    If  in   addition  to   for- 
feiture of  office  by  a  candidate  for  corrupt 
practices  on  his  behalf,  a  constituency  could 
be   deprived   of   representation    during   the 
term  of  that  particular  office,  there  would  be 
more  practical  results.    The  evil  to  the  state 
in  the  direct  purchase  of  votes  has  already 
been  alluded  to.     The  continuation  of  that 
practice  will  be  observed  as  long  as  honest 
men  are  willing  to  accept  office  through  pur- 
chased votes.     Corruption  in  high  places  can 
never  be  reached  and  eradicated,   and  the 
halls  of  legislation  never  be  purified,  unless 
the  evil  is  traced  to  its  original  source — elec- 
tion day.     The  public  mind  is  more  often 
aroused  by  scandal  in  official  life  than  by 
prosaic  statements  and  figures  demonstrat- 
ing corruption  at  the  polls,  or  any  argument 
for  or  against  the  wisdom  of  a  particular  ad- 
ministration.   It  is  easier  to  arouse  opposi- 
tion upon  the  discovery  that  the  keeper  of  a 
house   of  prostitution  has  bribed  a   police- 
man than  by  showing  that  the  tax  rate  has 
been  raised  a  full  point. 

So  far  as  the  law  is  concerned,  there  would 
seem  to  be  sufficiently  drastic  penalties  to 
prevent  the  corruption  of  voters.    Unfortu- 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  213 

nately  that  is  not  the  fact.  It  is  difficult  in 
the  extreme  to  obtain  convictions  for  viola- 
tions of  the  election  laws.  It  will  continue 
to  be  difficult  until  men,  apart  from  moral 
principles,  employ  their  common  sense  in  con- 
cluding that  an  unlawful  vote  has  robbed 
them  of  a  lawful  right.  Self-protection 
should  prove  an  effective  argument.  It  is 
not  upon  the  same  plane  as  a  moral  consid- 
eration. Practically  it  may  furnish  the  same 
results. 

Compared  with  bribery,  graft  is  petty  lar- 
ceny. The  opportunities  for  advantage 
through  the  favors  of  an  administration  mark 
the  standards  of  those  charged  with  the  re- 
sponsibility. Most  instances  of  official  cor- 
ruption are  due  to  the  unwillingness  of  citi- 
zens to  insist  upon  their  rights  and  to  incur 
the  trouble  necessary  for  the  exposure  of 
efforts  made  to  secure  money  through  their 
own  timidity. 

The  weaker  usually  yields  to  the  stronger, 
and  men  ignorant  of  their  rights  are  fre- 
quently imposed  upon.  When  a  man  with 
knowledge  of  his  rights  permits  himself  to 
be  imposed  upon  by  another  who  socks  to 
use  unlawful  methods,  he  participates  in 
those  methods  and  is  accountable  for  them 
morally  as  much  as  the  one  who  makes  the 


214        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

improper  proposition  to  liiin.  The  influence 
of  men  in  public  office  is  so  tremendous  in 
creating  a  proper  atmosphere,  from  which 
may  be  gained  a  correct  idea  of  the  purpose 
and  enforcement  of  the  laws,  that  no  matter 
how  wise  may  be  statutory  provisions,  if 
those  who  are  to  carry  them  into  effect  are 
not  intelligently  chosen  the  laws  are  largely 
nullified.  As  years  pass  there  will  be  less 
and  less  opportunity  for  men  of  limited 
means  to  successfully  hope  for  political  pre- 
ferment, and  the  public  is  liable  to  be  served 
by  those  who  use  official  position  as  an  orna- 
ment for  which  they  can  afford  to  pay,  or  as 
an  instrument  to  bring  about  their  greater 
financial  advantage. 

The  only  successful  opponent  of  a  dis- 
honest dollar  is  an  honest  man.  It  may  come 
to  be  that  the  only  successful  opponent  of  a 
dishonest  man  is  an  honest  dollar,  honestly 
expended.  The  measure  of  political  corrup- 
tion is  the  measure  of  the  actual  difference 
between  the  intellectual  and  moral  average 
of  the  public  in  practice  and  what  it  is  in 
theory. 

Whatever  topics  pertaining  to  political  life 
may  be  under  discussion,  whatever  may  be 
the  title  of  any  chapter,  whatever  may  be 
the  line  of  exhortation  mentally,  it  leads  to 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  215 

the  same  result,  and  that  is  represented  by 
individuals  meeting  or  not  meeting  their  civic 
duties  and  obligations. 

It  is  not  the  intention  of  these  pages  to 
catalogue  political  crimes,  or  to  enter  into 
competitive  denunciation  of  them.  Anyone 
of  ordinary  intelligence  and  observation  who 
reads  the  papers  has  substantial  informa- 
tion of  instances  of  corruption,  breaches  of 
trust,  and  violations  of  the  duties  of  public 
life. 

The  most  corroding  corruption  in  politics 
is  not  money-taking,  but  is  the  practice  of 
hypocrisy. 

The  public  treasury  is  carefully  guarded 
and  amounts  taken  from  it  are  relatively  in- 
significant. Even  the  sum  of  which  the  pub- 
lic is  robbed  through  official  or  legislative 
assistance,  while  substantial  in  volume,  of 
itself  is  not  so  serious  in  effect  as  the  viola- 
tion of  rights  supposed  to  be  assured  to  every 
citizen  under  the  Constitution. 

Financial  panics,  it  is  admitted,  are  the 
result  of  a  lack  of  confidence.  Political  panics 
likewise  are  the  result  of  a  lack  of  confidence 
due  to  increasing  belief  in  the  failure  of  the 
law  to  protect  individual  rights.  This  lack 
of  confidence  is  aroused  when  wrongs,  se- 
cretly  perpetrated,  come  to  general   notice. 


216        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

Most  violations  occur  through  undue  confi- 
dence placed  in  individuals.  That  confidence 
is  founded  upon  a  belief  in  the  integrity  of 
the  individual  and  approval  of  his  declared 
self-sacrifice  for  the  welfare  of  the  people 
whose  favor  he  seeks  for  himself.  In  order 
to  impress  the  crowd  it  is  not  necessary  to  be 
a  hypocrite.  The  permanent  harm  results 
when  it  is  later  discovered  that  personal  am- 
bition was  the  guiding  motive.  Thereafter 
the  public  becomes  suspicious  of  those  who 
are  honestly  seeking  to  improve  conditions. 
Men  of  genuine  worth,  modest  in  tempera- 
ment, are  put  aside,  and  suspicion  takes  the 
place  of  confidence,  insincerity  becomes  a 
general  charge.  With  that  lack  of  confidence 
ensues  a  lessening  of  the  sense  of  responsi- 
bility and  a  general  scramble  for  selfish  ad- 
vantage takes  the  place  of  devotion  to  public 
interests. 

In  appealing  to  the  public  "  beauties  of 
declamation  are  too  frequently  contrived  to 
conceal  poverty  of  argument."  With  lack 
of  detailed  information  the  public,  which 
must  express  its  approval  by  votes,  is  led 
astray  by  frenzied  speech  and  tirades  by  one 
man  against  another.  Issues  merge  into  per- 
sonalities, and  the  people  become  confused  as 
to  the  merits  of  a  proposed  reform,  being 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  217 

forced  to  decide  in  practice,  not  whether  there 
shall  be  a  reform,  but  who  shall  execute  it. 
Men  of  moderate  intelligence,  conscious  of 
their  limited  range  of  influence,  confine  them- 
selves to  selecting  a  champion  to  whom  for 
the  time  is  delegated  their  own  right  of  initia- 
tive. When  self-selected  molders  of  public 
opinion  insist  exclusively  on  the  adoption  of 
their  method  of  procedure  and  by  tempting 
phrase  engross  public  attention,  the  oppor- 
tunity of  the  charlatan  arises;  professions 
then  are  taken  as  facts  and  theory  takes  the 
place  of  practice. 

It  has  been  aptly  said,  "  we  force  luminous 
periods  and  splendid  passages  by  the  heat  of 
imagination,  and  are  consequently  more  am- 
bitious to  be  admired  than  understood,  to  be 
quoted  for  manner  rather  than  to  be  useful 
for  matter." 

It  takes  real  courage  for  the  burglar  to 
rob,  because  he  knows  that  his  life  is  in  jeop- 
ardy, and  that  the  man  who  kills  him  will  be 
commended  instead  of  condemned.  When  a 
person  of  social  standing  in  a  community,  so 
jealous  of  his  own  position  and  the  esteem 
of  his  neighbors  that  he  would  not  commit 
knowingly  an  overt  wrongful  act,  hires  an- 
other to  do  it,  he  should  receive  disapproval 
for  both.     The  amount  stolen  or  the  privi- 


218        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

lege  purchased  is  inconsiderable  compared 
with  the  loss  to  the  general  public  in  the  con- 
fidence previously  reposed  in  him. 

Conscience  is  a  safe  guide  for  conduct,  but 
declared  standards  of  personal  consecration 
need  not  be  accepted  as  conscience  for  an- 
other. When  men  by  self-contemplation  be- 
come so  convinced  of  the  strength  of  their 
own  opinions  as  to  demand  that  those 
opinions  shall  be  the  convictions  of  others, 
their  practical  usefulness  is  on  the  decline. 
Charged  untruth  does  not  necessarily  prove 
a  man  a  liar.  The  one  who  charges  may  have 
changed  his  mind.  Political  corruption  is  not 
covered  by  reference  to  the  stealing  of  money 
or  the  gaining  of  special  privilege.  The  pub- 
lic is  corrupted  when  it  is  imposed  upon  by 
a  false  or  fictitious  argument  deliberately 
presented  with  the  object  of  subsequent  in- 
dividual preferment.  Rectitude  of  motive  is 
not  established  by  charging  its  opposite.  To 
rob  the  public  with  one  hand  and  bestow 
gratuity  upon  it  with  the  other  always  leaves 
the  giver  with  a  balance  in  his  favor.  Men 
are  rarely  morally  ambidexterous.  To 
preach  honesty  and  not  practice  it,  to  de- 
ceive the  public  by  sententious  reasoning,  to 
profess  virtue  and  not  live  it,  are  the  real  es- 
sence of  corruption  in  politics.     To  feign  is- 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  219 

sues,  to  force  agitation,  to  contribute  form  in- 
stead of  substance,  may  evidence  intellectual 
force  and  capacity,  but  result  in  no  contribu- 
tion to  the  public  weal. 

"When  the  cry  of  "  stop,  thief  "  is  raised  it 
is  sometimes  wiser  to  watch  the  man  who 
makes  the  outcry  than  to  follow  the  crowd. 
Moral  inconsistency  in  politics  is  more  seri- 
ous than  statutory  crime.  A  lie  told  to  the 
public  is  worse  than  a  lie  told  to  an  indi- 
vidual, politically,  by  the  test  of  numbers. 
A  harsh  bargain  enforced  by  the  strict  word- 
ing of  a  contract  may  be  justified  in  law;  in 
ethics  it  may  be  execrable.  In  politics,  when 
the  excuse  of  law  is  given  for  individual  bene- 
fit and  the  public  has  been  deceived  in  the 
passage  of  the  law,  even  the  court  may  be 
called  upon  to  sustain  it  and  substantiate  the 
rights  claimed  thereunder.  The  public  has, 
nevertheless,  been  corrupted  and  robbed  as 
clearly  as  if  deprived  of  property  by  physi- 
cal force.  The  crime  is  the  greater  because 
the  public  in  the  aggregate,  without  leaders 
in  opposition,  is  always  at  disadvantage. 
The  public  may  affect  but  cannot  control  con- 
ditions between  elections.  The  public  can 
punish,  but  cannot  always  prevent. 

Men  who  are  in  a  position  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  public  and  to  assist  in  mold- 


220        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ing  its  thought  through  the  influence  of  ex- 
ample have  the  responsibility  of  trustees. 

During  recent  years  there  has  been  a 
marked  awakening,  and  men  in  high  places 
previously  immune  from  even  vigorous  com- 
ment have  been  proved  guilty  of  secret  vio- 
lations of  law.  It  is  alleged  in  their  defense 
that  they  did  not  appreciate  that  the  prac- 
tices indulged  in  were  violations.  It  was  said 
in  addition  that  certain  acts  were  of  such 
general  commission  as  to  be  justified  in  prac- 
tice. There  may  be  some  warrant  in  stating 
that  because  one  has  not  been  prosecuted  for 
a  number  of  years  while  continuing  in  a  cer- 
tain line  of  conduct,  he  was  justified  in  be- 
lieving he  had  public  approval.  This  begs 
the  question.  He  knew,  or  did  not  know, 
whether  the  particular  act  was  in  violation  of 
law  and  morals. 

Unrestricted  criticism  of  individuals  and 
corporate  management,  carried  to  extremes 
defeats  its  own  purpose.  How  many  critics 
are  there  who  in  the  same  position  as  those 
whom  they  criticise  would  have  refrained 
from  taking  advantage  of  practices  which 
give  great  opportunities  secretly  for  financial 
advantage  at  the  expense  of  the  public!  Men 
can  put  themselves  to  sleep  morally,  through 
the  opiate  of  advantage,  as  well  as  they  can 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  221 

close  their  eyes  in  slumber  by  the  use  of  a 
drug.  It  happens,  however,  that  many  citi- 
zens charged  with  these  unlawful  practices 
occupy  stations  of  such  intellectual  and  social 
prominence  that  they  cannot  plead  ignorance 
for  their  acts.  They  may  justly  resent  the 
intensity  of  comments  made  upon  them ;  they 
may  charge  selfish  motives  to  their  critics, 
but  the  fact  remains  that  while  claiming 
prominence  in  the  social,  moral  and  commer- 
cial life  of  the  community,  they  failed  to  live 
up  to  the  standards  professed  by  themselves 
and  demanded  by  them  of  others.  When 
these  men  are  discovered,  despite  their  own 
ingenuity  and  cleverness,  to  have  been  tak- 
ing secret  advantage  of  the  public,  that  very 
public  has  been  robbed  of  more  than  the 
money  they  have  gained.  It  has  been  robbed 
not  only  of  the  money  unlawfully  obtained, 
but  also  of  the  confidence  which  it  had  a  right 
to  repose  in  those  who  insisted  on  the  posi- 
tion of  intellectual  and  moral  leaders.  The 
public  has,  therefore,  been  corrupted,  and  the 
chief  corruption  is  the  lowering  of  ideals  and 
its  loss  of  confidence  in  those  to  whom  it  was 
entitled  to  look  for  standards. 

Men  who  claim  social  precedence  cannot 
expect  to  maintain  that  position  and  at  the 
same  time  enjoy  without  comment  the  fruits 


222        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

obtained  under  cover  of  that  reputation  by 
reprehensible  means.  Pride  and  illegal 
profit  do  not  mix.  Precept  and  practice  must 
be  in  accord.  Men  must  choose  between 
reputation  and  stolen  goods.  They  cannot 
consistently  expect  to  retain  both. 

Most  large  fortunes  have  resulted  in  the 
development   and  management   of   corpora- 
tions.    These  corporations  receive  the  right 
of  existence  through  privileges  conferred  by 
the  public  through  its  representatives  in  leg- 
islative bodies.    Eights  granted  under  char- 
ters must  be  given  more  than  a  literal  in- 
terpretation.   Theoretically,  the  public  knew 
exactly  what  it  was  doing  when  the  fran- 
chises   were    bestowed.     Practically,    those 
franchises  were  the  product  of  astute  minds, 
seeking  all  they  could  obtain  through  the  lack 
of  sufficient  discernment  on  the  part  of  legis- 
lators.   The   persons   seeking  these   advan- 
tages, when  using  them  for  financial  profit 
and  justifying  their  conduct  legally,  forget 
that  they  are  a  part  of  the  granting  public. 
It  is  true  that  the  country  has  received  its 
greatest  financial  development  through  the 
commercial  enterprise  of  individuals  willing 
to   stake   their  fortunes   and   sacrifice  their 
efforts  on  these  very  means  of  progress.    If 
all  were  unwilling  to  take  the  initiative,  the 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  223 

public  would  be  deprived  of  many  of  the 
causes  of  its  greatest  enjoyment  and  profit. 
It  follows  politically  that  there  must  be  read 
into  every  contract  between  individuals  and 
the  general  public  an  interpretation  for 
mutual  benefit.  When  the  individuals  who 
took  the  chance  originally,  dulled  in  con- 
science by  the  profligacy  of  profit,  fail  to 
recognize  the  moral  understanding  running 
with  their  legal  opportunity,  they  have  no 
just  excuse  for  being  distressed  by  general 
comment. 

When  fortunes  are  amassed  by  the  aid  of 
ingeniously  interpreted  rights  of  contract, 
and  accumulations  have  been  gained  beyond 
the  demands  of  avarice,  men  turn  their  backs 
upon  their  own  procedure  and  condemn  in 
others  what  they  did  themselves. 

Faith  in  the  effectiveness  of  law  is  lost 
when  it  is  observed  that  the  fortunes  of 
others  have  been  gained  by  using  it  as  a 
means  of  oppression  and  to  furnish  unfair 
opportunities  in  competition.  That  lack  of 
confidence  confirmed  in  the  public  mind  ren- 
ders less  stable  the  law  itself.  That  lack  of 
stability  jeopardizes  the  enforcement  of  con- 
tracts, so  that  in  the  end  the  original  derelic- 
tion may  be  the  cause  for  its  own  punishment. 

Responsibility  works   downward,   not   up- 


224        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ward.  The  resentment  following  deception 
is  unreasoning  and  sometimes  ruthless. 
Legislation  aimed  at  particular  individuals 
may  cause  a  community  to  suffer.  Hypoc- 
risy is  worse  even  than  admitted  selfishness. 
To  fight  an  equal  in  an  unjust  cause  may 
justify  the  valor  of  a  contestant.  To  rob  the 
public  by  deception  made  possible  through 
the  inability  of  large  bodies  of  men  to  pro- 
tect themselves  against  the  well-organized 
efforts  of  individuals  is  worse  than  dishon- 
est; it  is  cowardly 

Prosecutions  for  crime,  diligently  con- 
ducted, and  the  publicity  incident  thereto,  ac- 
complish much  and  are  a  substantial  deter- 
rent to  the  repetition  of  similar  crimes  by 
others.  Human  ingenuity  and  resourceful- 
ness do  not  always  follow  the  well-broken 
track  of  criminal  precedent,  but  seek  new 
avenues.  When  the  public  is  used  through 
the  ballot,  directly  or  indirectly,  as  a  means 
of  seeking  improper  individual  advantage, 
with  its  consequent  harm  to  that  same  public, 
the  stability  of  the  government  is  impaired 
and  nominally  free  institutions  fail  to  fur- 
nish the  protection  apparently  guaranteed  by 
them.  If  for  no  other  higher  reason  than 
sheer  selfishness,  the  public  should  not  be  de- 
ceived or  its  instruments  for  order  corrupted. 


POLITICAL  CORRUPTION  225 

The  results  may  not  be  immediate,  and  in 
the  multitude  of  concurring  circumstances 
may  not  even  be  apparent.  The  ultimate  bad 
effect  is  as  unavoidable  as  the  tide. 

The  State  can  protect  itself  against  de- 
clared enemies,  the  public  can  meet  an  open 
attack,  a  community  can  purge  itself  of 
visible  wrongdoing,  but  political  corruption, 
working  under  the  hypocritical  guise  of  the 
beneficiary  stalking  about  with  virtue  on  its 
lips,  deception  in  its  heart  and  iniquity  in  its 
practice,  is  an  insidious  enemy  most  difficult 
to  guard  against.  The  threatening  political 
crime  of  the  century  is  not  larceny,  but  is 
hypocrisy. 


POLITICAL  HONESTY 


XII 
POLITICAL  HONESTY 

Between  "  Thou  shalt  not  steal  "  and 
"  Honesty  is  the  best  policy  "  lies  the  his- 
tory of  unindicted  men. 

The  dollar  will  always  be  vigorously  pur- 
sued, whether  the  standard  be  gold,  or  the 
ratio  be  sixteen  to  one. 

Money  stands  for  necessities  and  luxuries, 
and  the  means  employed  to  obtain  it  are  a 
clear  index  to  the  principles  of  him  who 
seeks  it. 

Principles  are  declared  in  definition,  but 
evidenced  in  conduct. 

The  argument  for  honesty  has  been  estab- 
lished through  centuries  of  discussion,  and 
need  not  be  repeated  here.  There  is  no  pre- 
vailing discussion  in  behalf  of  dishonesty. 
The  argument  for  honesty  may,  therefore, 
be  considered  established.  Where  there  is 
sufficient  mentality  to  appreciate  an  abstract 
proposition,  we  can  assume  that  either  the 
Divine  command  or  the  human  instinct  to- 

229 


230        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ward  expediency  is  generally  accepted.  The 
difficulty  lies  in  the  application  of  the  prin- 
ciple to  concrete  acts. 

Stealing  money  is  the  least  disputable  form 
of  dishonesty,  and  in  effect  may  be  less  dan- 
gerous than  a  thousand  other  acts  not  involv- 
ing the  question  of  theft. 

Political  honesty  does  not  differ  from  any 
other  kind.  Political  dishonesty  is  empha- 
sized because  of  its  far-reaching  effect,  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  one  who  practices  it  is 
always  in  a  representative  capacity.  Men 
who  would  scorn  to  steal  a  dollar  willingly 
profit  by  deception,  which  cannot  be  char- 
acterized as  theft.  Mental  honesty  is  often- 
times more  important  than  financial  integrity. 

Intent  is  a  necessary  element  of  crime.  It 
is  proven  by  the  acts  leading  up  to  the  crime 
itself.  The  intent  in  mental  dishonesty,  a 
moral  crime,  is  frequently  impossible  of  proof 
because  the  only  evidence  that  can  be  ad- 
duced is  the  statement  of  the  perpetrator  as 
to  his  own  condition  of  mind. 

The  instant  a  man  takes  public  office,  in  the 
intendment  of  the  law  he  becomes  impersonal 
and  has  no  right  to  think  or  act  except  for  the 
public.  It  is  his  duty  to  advise  the  public,  in 
mental  honesty,  whether  it  redounds  to  his 
personal  popularity  or  not.    It  is  his  further 


POLITICAL  HONESTY  231 

duty,  in  equal  sincerity,  never  to  advise  the 
public  to  pursue  a  course  of  conduct  in  order 
to  gain  personal  popularity.  It  may  be  the 
popular  mind  at  the  time  may  not  have  so 
comprehensive  or  far-reaching  a  grasp  of  the 
situation  as  he  has.  The  opportunities  af- 
forded him  by  investigation  and  thoughtful 
study,  may  force  upon  him  opinions  not  then 
generally  entertained. 

If  he  varies  his  course  so  as  to  float  with 
the  current  contrary  to  his  innermost  convic- 
tions he  is  dishonest,  because  he  has  robbed 
the  public  of  the  knowledge  of  those  convic- 
tions it  is  entitled  to  have.  If  he  fails  to 
be  literally  frank  in  giving  expression  to 
his  real  beliefs,  he  has  broken  his  contract 
with  the  people  and  violated  his  oath  as 
well. 

If  he  advocates  measures  in  order  to  create 
popularity  for  himself  and  uses  that  popu- 
larity as  the  reason  for  further  preferment, 
he  is  again  dishonest  and  his  services  to  the 
public  are  fictitious  rather  than  real. 

Intellectual  resourcefulness  may  enable  an 
official  to  give  a  reason  for  action  to  the  pub- 
lic that  proves  apparently  satisfactory  and 
still  is  not  the  real  one.  The  dishonesty  in 
this  is  greater  because  there  is  no  way  to 
prove  it.    If,  in  addition  to  doing  any  one  of 


232        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

these  things,  which  it  is  plain  he  should  not 
do,  he  charges  others  with  insincerity  of  mo- 
tive or  improper  conduct,  he  adds  hypocrisy 
to  his  dishonesty  and  he  becomes  a  positive 
detriment  to  good  government. 

It  is  possible  for  men  in  public  life,  con- 
scious of  their  own  mentality  and  confident 
in  their  integrity,  to  persuade  themselves  that 
their  views,  because  theirs,  should  be  ac- 
cepted as  final  by  people  generally.  This  is 
a  form  of  mental  dishonesty  for  which  there 
is  no  cure.  To  propose  a  public  policy  with 
the  real  thought  in  mind  that  its  acceptance 
will  add  to  the  preferment  and  praise  of  the 
advocate  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  fraud 
upon  the  public,  which  has  a  right  to  assume 
that  the  proposed  plan  was  entirely  ingenu- 
ous. The  dishonesty  arises  from  the  with- 
holding of  the  real  but  unadmitted  reason  for 
self-advancement.  The  reward  would  come 
just  as  clearly,  consistently,  honestly  and 
surely  from  the  public,  if  the  latter  under- 
stood  the  underlying  motive. 

It  is  strangely  anomalous  that  the  more 
consistent  the  man  of  influence  considers  him- 
self, the  more  satisfied  he  is  that  men  who 
differ  from  him  are  not  unwise,  but  unmoral. 
The  public  suffers  from  this  because  unable 
to  analyze  the  ulterior  motives  of  men  who 


POLITICAL  HONESTY  233 

stand  before  it,  apparently  acting  only  in  its 
behalf,  and  yet  actuated  by  the  same  intent 
for  self-preferment  which  they  condemn  in 
others  living  in  the  more  humble  strata  of 
life. 

It  is,  of  course,  dishonest,  politically  and 
otherwise,  for  men  to  be  elected  to  legislatures 
or  Congress  for  the  purpose  of  representing 
and  protecting  interests.  It  is  infinitely  more 
dishonest,  mentally  and  morally,  while  doing 
this  to  disclaim  their  real  purpose.  The  pub- 
lic can  protect  itself  against  the  one  and  is 
impotent  against  the  other. 

Platitudes  on  honesty,  not  directed  toward 
individuals  and  specific  acts,  are  as  useless  to 
the  Ship  of  State  as  is  the  wind  to  a  vessel 
with  unset  sails.  Ignorant  honesty  and  in- 
tellectual dishonesty  go  side  by  side  in  politi- 
cal parade.  They  make  an  attractive  picture, 
but  fight  little  for  public  welfare.  Why  a 
man  will  be  honest  with  an  individual  and 
dishonest  with  a  multitude,  mentally  or  finan- 
cially, is  as  yet  an  unanswered  question.  To 
accept  graciously  the  designation  of  "  a  lead- 
ing citizen,"  carries  the  indication  of  a  desire 
to  lead  and  an  admission  of  endeavor  to  fur- 
nish an  example  worthy  of  being  followed. 
When  Buch  leadership  has  inherent  the  men- 
tal dishonesty  of  secret  personal  purpose,  it 


234        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

is  more  baneful  than  admitted  selfish  wrong- 
ful design. 

The  knowledge  of  wrong- doing,  without  ef- 
fort to  prevent  its  continuance,  is  mental  dis- 
honesty. Virtue  which  can  only  be  expressed 
in  words  has  no  other  value  than  ornateness 
of  language.  Honesty  which  can  only  be 
proven  by  the  words  of  the  one  claiming  it, 
is  without  civic  worth. 

The  possession  of  mental  faculties  is  not 
the  sole  characteristic  which  divides  the  ani- 
mal kingdom  into  the  possessors  of  long  and 
short  ears.  It  is  better  to  bray  and  kick,  and 
to  kick  vigorously  without  mentality,  than  to 
possess  mentality  without  the  courage  even 
to  make  a  noise.  Men  who  are  mentally  dis- 
honest would  steal  if  they  had  the  courage. 
It  is  not  what  financially  honest  and  mentally 
dishonest  men  do  that  is  most  harmful  to  the 
State,  but  the  fact  that  their  spoken  word 
does  not  represent  their  real  convictions. 
Their  visible  conduct  is  mere  disguise.  It 
attracts  the  eye.  It  has  no  permanent  value. 
It  will  not  withstand  the  acid  test. 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION 


xni 

A  FINAL  REFLECTION 

It  is  time  for  the  American  people  to  take 
themselves  into  their  own  confidence. 

We  are  old  enough  as  a  nation  to  put  off 
the  bombastic  clothes  of  childhood  and  act 
with  maturity,  not  only  toward  the  outside 
world,  but  among  ourselves. 

The  exhilaration  following  the  Revolution 
naturally  resulted  in  a  rhetorical  output  de- 
scribing not  only  the  greatness  of  our  institu- 
tions, but  our  inherent  greatness  because  we 
happen  to  be  Americans. 

The  country  has  developed  materially  until 
the  prophecies  of  imagination  have  been  more 
than  realized.  The  possibilities  of  individual 
betterment  here  have  drawn  millions  from 
the  four  quarters  of  the  globe.  There  is 
practically  a  new  and  entirely  different  social 
life  from  that  following  the  foundation  of  the 
government.  Our  laws  have  gone  throng]]  a 
process  of  evolution  showing  changes  almost 
kaleidoscopic  as  a  result  of  commercial  de- 

237 


238       COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

velopment  and  territorial  expansion.  Fun- 
damentals, however,  remain  the  same. 

There  is  a  wide  difference  between  human 
instincts  and  habits.  Habits  are  affected  by 
climate  and  geographical  conditions,  but  in- 
stincts remain  practically  the  same.  It  is 
time  to  realize  that  a  man  is  not  necessarily 
better  because  he  is  an  American,  although 
the  pride  that  he  may  become  better  because 
of  American  institutions  is  fully  justified. 
While  it  cannot  be  said  without  effrontery 
that  all  the  fundamental  principles  of  human 
life  have  been  worked  out  and  established 
with  fair  clearness,  it  is  certainly  true  that 
they  are  better  appreciated  and  understood 
than  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the  race. 
The  constant  problem  will  always  be  to  apply 
these  fundamental  principles  of  human  asso- 
ciation under  the  form  of  government,  to  the 
incessant  creation  of  new  conditions. 

We  are  passing  through  a  period  of  com- 
ment and  criticism.  It  does  not  require  bril- 
liancy of  intellect  to  discover  that  neither  the 
race  nor  the  American  people  is  prepared 
for  the  Millennium.  If  the  final  moment  of 
development  had  been  reached,  it  would  have 
been  Providentially  announced  ere  this. 

Any  writer  on  political  affairs  is  supposed 
to  close  his  discussion  of  existing  evils  with 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  239 

a  remedy  for  their  betterment.  That  sug- 
gested remedy  usually  takes  the  form  politi- 
cally, of  a  proposed  law.  There  is  no  law 
at  this  time  which  can  change  what  seems 
most  to  be  criticised  in  public  and  private 
political  life  unless  it  is  preceded  by  a 
changed  attitude  of  mind.  There  must  first 
be  a  consciousness  not  only  of  a  condition 
to  be  remedied,  but  of  a  feeling  of  responsi- 
bility on  the  part  of  each  citizen  that  compels 
him  to  contribute  toward  the  result. 

Any  discussion  of  political  principles  and 
criticism  of  present  conditions  is  usually 
summed  up  in  a  chapter  on  individual  re- 
sponsibility. This  is  logical  and  proper. 
However,  a  citizen  who  is  unable  to  under- 
stand without  argument  from  another  that 
he  bears  an  individual  responsibility  is  in- 
capable of  grasping  how  he  should  exercise 
that  particular  sense  of  duty. 

The  discussion  is  practically  closed  as  to 
the  fundamental  political  rights  of  men. 
The  doctrines  of  democracy  and  self-govern- 
ment are  established  practically  beyond  dis- 
pute. This  does  not  mean  that  our  particular 
form  of  government  is  the  only  one  under 
which  men  can  successfully  live.  It  is  ap- 
parent, however,  from  the  most  casual  glance 
at  the  affairs  of  nations  as  now  constituted 


240        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

that  more  freedom  is  being  given  to  indi- 
viduals, and  that  there  is  a  growing  diminu- 
tion of  centralized  authority. 

With  the  academic  discussion  of  forms  of 
government  and  an  increasing  appreciation 
of  i,he  duty  of  man  toward  man,  the  theory 
of  Divine  right  must  of  itself  be  weakened 
in  practice.  It  is  a  good  time  in  this  country 
now,  in  the  general  tendency  toward  better- 
ment, to  put  aside  high-sounding  aphorisms 
and  to  study,  a  little  at  least,  prosaic  human 
nature. 

While  the  country  is  large  enough  for  any- 
one to  hide  himself  among  its  vast  numbers, 
he  cannot  even  when  alone,  if  he  reflects, 
divorce  himself  from  the  idea  that  he  is  an 
inherent  and  important  factor  in  our  system. 
The  American  Eagle  may  seem  to  us  the  most 
considerable  bird  in  existence.  That  is  a 
point  of  view.  Other  emblems  may  mean  as 
much  to  other  peoples.  Since  the  Civil  War 
public  discourses  have  described  the  weak- 
nesses of  other  nations  in  comparison  with 
ourselves.  To-day  the  leaders  in  public 
opinion  in  this  country  are  treating  the  world 
to  the  edifying  spectacle  of  a  discussion  of 
how  bad  we  are  ourselves. 

As  a  nation  we  are  not  as  bad  as  we  de- 
clare ourselves  to  be.    Individual  reputations 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  241 

are  being  talked  up  by  talking  down  others. 
Men  seem  possessed  by  a  passion  to  establish 
their  own  individual  virtue  as  if  they  had 
been  charged  with  its  absence,  and  their  line 
of  argument  is  to  point  to  another  and  prove 
that  that  other  is  without  any  redeeming 
qualities  whatever,  and  therefore  they  must 
have  what  virtue  may  be  left. 

The  public  is  referred  to  in  general  phrase, 
while  men  lack  the  courage  to  express  their 
own  opinions  and  hide  behind  what  they  de- 
clare is  the  public  thought,  when  the  public 
has  not  expressed  itself  until  after  the  hap- 
pening of  an  event.  The  public  is  prayed 
for  and  preyed  upon  at  the  same  time.  The 
fervency  of  the  prayer  is  supposed  to  indi- 
cate the  clerical  garb  of  the  civic  preacher. 
We  talk  about  democracy  and  the  fundamen- 
tal rights  of  man  with  the  glibness  of  a  par- 
rot instructed  to  repeat  a  memorized  phrase. 
At  the  same  time  the  public  furnishes  suste- 
nance, willingly  or  unwillingly,  to  the  very 
individual  who  proclaims  himself  as  its 
sustainer  and  lasting  friend. 

We  decry  officialdom  in  other  countries 
and  bow  before  it  at  home  with  the  syco- 
phancy of  a  trained  courtier.  Men  unknown 
through  public  service  or  participation  in 
political  duties,  thrust  into  the  responsibili- 


242        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

ties  of  office  through  changing  circumstance, 
find  themselves  the  objects  of  adulation  and 
applause,  sought  with  outstretched  hands  for 
favors  that  they  may  dispense.  The  same 
man  with  his  term  of  office  expired  is  passed 
by  with  no  other  recognition  than  the  nod  of 
common  politeness. 

"We  harp  on  individual  rights  and  forget 
individual  obligations.  All  this  does  not 
mean  that  the  country  is  receding  either  in 
morality  or  intelligence.  It  is  intended  here 
to  mean  that  in  the  increase  in  population, 
the  multitude  of  citizens,  the  vastness  of  re- 
sources, the  only  voices  that  are  heard  in  the 
conversation  of  a  community  are  those  of  in- 
dividuals prominent  by  merit  or  accident  who 
are  seeking  the  favor  of  the  general  public 
and  making  claim  to  serve  it  and  represent  it. 

The  false  assumption  is  spread  abroad  that 
differences  between  the  social  strata  of  life 
mean  differences  in  instinct  and  motive,  in 
desire  and  ambition.  The  fact  is  that  desire 
and  ambition  are  increased  and  intensified 
by  material  and  social  development,  and 
therefore  the  responsibility  is  greater.  "  The 
people  "  are  referred  to  impersonally  and 
to  accentuate  discourse,  as  if  speakers 
and  writers  were  not  a  part  of  that  same 
body. 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  243 

The  man  who  centers  his  life  upon  accumu- 
lation has  as  engrossing  a  passion  for  money 
when  his  capital  is  only  one  hundred  dollars 
as  when  it  is  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 
When  he  has  acquired  an  amount  so  large 
that  his  physical  and  mental  efforts  to  ac- 
quire more  have  been  exhausted  and  he  is 
unable  to  do  anything  but  reflect  and  articu- 
late, his  remaining  days  are  passed,  as  a  rule, 
in  laying  down  rules  of  conduct  for  others 
who  may  be  starting  out  on  a  career  the  same 
as  the  one  closing  upon  him. 

In  political  official  life  there  seems  to  be 
an  apparent  necessity  for  establishing  wis- 
dom and  virtue,  for  lecturing  those  who  have 
been  less  successful  in  the  accomplishment 
of  their  particular  line  of  ambition. 

Criticism  in  this  country  is  both  an  art 
and  a  science.  Publicity  furnishes  an  ex- 
hilaration and  mental  expansion  which 
seem  to  preclude  an  appreciation  of  normal 
conditions,  and  the  preacher  of  the  doctrine 
of  democracy  indulges  in  the  practice  of  men- 
tal exclusiveness. 

Of  all  systems  of  government  that  of  the 
United  States  is  most  political.  Equality 
before  the  law  only  means  that  everyone 
starts  Legally  equal.  The  perpetual  insist- 
ence   upon    individual    rights   has   developed 


244        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

into  a  chorus  so  loud  that  the  cry  for  indi- 
vidual obligation  is  not  heard. 

Every  opportunity  to  make  money,  to  gain 
culture,  to  acquire  knowledge,  to  enjoy  luxu- 
ries, is  a  political  question  here,  for  the  rea- 
son that  the  mode  and  method  necessary  to 
experience  these  things  come  through  laws, 
the  result  of  action  at  the  polls  and  the  wise 
or  unwise  use  of  the  ballot.  To  kneel  in 
prayer  is  about  the  only  activity  in  this  coun- 
try not  affected  by  statute  law,  and  the  rea- 
son for  that  is  that  it  is  assumed  in  the  Con- 
stitution. 

For  the  purpose  of  acquiring  any  accurate 
knowledge  of  present  conditions  and  to  affect 
any  permanency  from  statutory  provisions 
it  must  be  taken  for  granted  that  temporal 
questions  are  finally  settled  politically,  but 
that  they  need  not  be  considered  as  party 
questions.  This  has  been  touched  on  in  pre- 
vious pages  and  need  not  be  repeated  here. 

In  the  history  of  the  world  we  have  had 
an  ice  age,  a  stone  age,  an  iron  age,  and  other 
divisions  in  physical  evolution.  The  present 
age  seems  to  be  one  dedicated  to  the  practice 
of  concealing  one's  real  individual  opinions 
and  of  expressing  opinions  as  a  finality  for 
everyone  else. 

Can  it  be  that  because  men  are  living  in 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  245 

the  twentieth  century  they  are  less  moved 
by  human  instincts  than  a  century  ago? 
Have  men  no  longer  the  moral  courage 
to  be  natural  and  normal?  Is  it  possible  that 
personal  virtue  cannot  stand  upon  its  own 
legs  without  knocking  out  from  under  an- 
other the  feet  which  enable  him  to  stand 
erect? 

It  is  not  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  this 
volume  to  go  into  detail  as  to  existing  con- 
ditions which  are  the  chief  subject  of  criti- 
cism. Before  the  cause  for  those  criticisms 
can  be  removed,  however,  and  they  are  al- 
most entirely  political,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
recognize  a  few  fundamental  propositions. 

Men  like  power,  influence,  applause,  pub- 
licity, money,  personal  precedence.  They 
always  have,  they  always  will,  they  always 
should.  It  is  born  within  them.  The  manner 
of  their  acquirement,  the  method  of  their  use, 
and  the  obligations  recognized  toward  others, 
form  the  standards  by  which  men  must  actu- 
ally be  judged. 

If  it  is  honorable  to  serve  the  country  in 
time  of  war,  it  is  equally  necessary  and 
honorable  to  serve  it  in  time  of  peace.  Ad- 
mitting this,  why  criticise  the  man  who  de- 
sires public  office?  That  desire  should  be 
applauded  and  not  condemned.    The  met  hod 


246        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

of  acquiring  that  office  and  the  manner  of  its 
administration  should  be  observed  and  made 
the  subject  of  adverse  comment  when  nec- 
essary, and  proper  applause  when  justified. 
It  certainly  is  laudable  to  desire  to  be 
President  of  the  United  States  when  a  man 
believes  that  he  is  qualified  in  motive  and 
capacity  to  meet  the  obligations  of  that  great 
office.  It  is  equally  honorable  for  a  man  to 
seek  the  humblest  appointment  within  the 
gift  of  that  same  President,  and  he  has  as 
much  right  in  law  and  morals  to  satisfy  his 
instinctive  ambition  in  his  lowly  walk  of  life 
as  has  the  man  born  to,  or  who  may  have 
reached  a  higher  level  in  the  social  scale.  It 
may  be  annoying  to  a  President  or  Governor 
to  have  his  time  imposed  upon  and  his  tran- 
quillity disturbed  by  his  inferiors,  but  cer- 
tainly they  have  a  Heavenly  Father  in  com- 
mon and  a  Federal  Constitution  which  de- 
clares their  common  rights.  Why,  therefore, 
hide  behind  the  cloak  of  hypocrisy  and  en- 
deavor to  differentiate?  The  member  of  a 
President's  cabinet  is  ordered  to  go  out  be- 
fore the  people  and  instruct  them  politically 
and  endeavor  to  induce  them  to  follow  this 
or  that  line  of  political  conduct.  The  depart- 
mental clerk  is  ordered  not  to,  and  when  he 
participates  in  the  political  activities  of  a 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  247 

smaller  circle,  notwithstanding  their  common 
rights  before  God  and  man,  he  is  dismissed 
from  public  service  as  if  guilty  of  some  foul 
crime. 

It  is  true  that  some  men  are  more  gifted 
than  others,  and  some  better  qualified  than 
their  neighbors  for  public  preferment  and 
authority.  Is  that  any  reason  why  they 
should  not  strive  to  better  themselves?  The 
test  is  honesty  of  motive  and  belief  in  an 
ability  to  perform  an  official  duty. 

Publicity  discloses  to  a  community  the  ca- 
pacities of  a  man,  and  enables  him  to  broaden 
his  acquaintance,  to  be  more  useful  to  him- 
self and  to  those  who  are  dependent  upon 
him.  Is  there  anything  abnormal  in  his  hav- 
ing a  selfish  desire  to  better  himself  if  while 
in  the  public  service  he  gives  full  value  in 
the  performance  of  duties  intelligently  car- 
ried out? 

Co-operation  among  men  brings  results 
impossible  through  individual  effort;  hence 
parties,  hence  cohesive  strength,  hence  re- 
wards on  account  of  co-operative  effort  in 
behalf  of  a  common  political  principle. 
When  those  rewards  are  held  out  as  the  price 
for  so-called  regularity,  when  it  is  a  matter 
of  common  observation  that  political  prefer- 
ment depends  oftentimes  upon  the  ability  of 


248        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

an  applicant  to  carry  the  satchel  of  a  political 
leader  rather  than  travel  with  a  trunk  full 
of  ideas  of  use  to  somebody,  the  argument- 
ative nonsense  of  political  regularity  in  that 
particular  instance  causes  animals  other  than 
human  to  bray  only  because  they  cannot 
laugh. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  through  life  with 
a  perpetual  grin  which  will  result  in  a  per- 
manent appearance  of  idiocy,  any  more  than 
it  is  to  assume  a  frown  in  the  hope  that  it  will 
grow  into  a  wrinkle  indicative  of  profound 
thought.  It  is  better  to  be  smiled  with  than 
laughed  at.  A  hypocrite  can  force  tears 
without  detection.  Honest  laughter  cannot 
be  feigned.  If  men  before  the  public  did  not 
conduct  themselves  with  a  reasonable  degree 
of  seriousness  it  would  be  assumed  that  they 
were  not  serious-minded  enough  for  the 
proper  conduct  of  affairs.  When,  however, 
they  act  behind  a  forced  seriousness,  an  ab- 
normal dignity  and  the  constant  strain  of  an 
endeavor  to  create  an  impression  without  the 
moral  courage  to  be  natural,  they  so  mix  up 
their  personality  with  political  questions  that 
any  normal  solution  of  a  problem  is  difficult 
of  accomplishment. 

American  life  is  not  a  principle:  it  is  a 
procedure.    It  is  a  procedure  involving  not 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  249 

only  rights  but  obligations.  The  time  has 
eoine  when  rights  are  pretty  clearly  defined 
and  admitted.  There  will  always  be  the  diffi- 
culty of  securing  them  when  they  are  in  con- 
flict with  the  rights  of  somebody  else.  It 
is  an  opportune  moment  to  take  a  respite 
from  the  discussion  of  rights  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  obligations.  If  there  is  one  obliga- 
tion imposed  upon  an  American  citizen  more 
than  another,  it  is  to  be  frank,  manly,  honest, 
open,  generous,  and  without  reserve  in 
thought  and  act  toward  every  other  citizen. 

The  proportion  of  men  in  the  United  States 
who  are  generally  known  is  pathetically 
small  compared  with  the  entire  number.  The 
country  is  judged  by  those  who  have  forced 
their  way  to  the  fore.  The  great  body  of 
citizens  is  unknown  to  the  average  observer, 
and  will  be  less  known  as  numbers  increase. 
It  is  not  a  question  of  individual  responsi- 
bility, as  those  two  words  are  ordinarily  de- 
fined. Responsibility  cannot  be  divided  in 
this  country  mathematically.  No  man  has 
done  his  duty  when  he  has  only  performed 
his  mathematical  proportion.  His  full  duty 
is  done  when  he  has  done  all  he  can. 

This  is  a  country  of  example.  The  man 
wlio  demands  to  be  followed,  the  man  who  in- 
sists on  his  rights  to  serve  the  people,  the 


250        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

man  who  has  the  temerity  to  speak  for  a 
community,  is  the  man  who  must  combine 
precept  and  example.  When  his  conduct  is 
colored  by  hypocrisy  he  is  a  common  enemy. 
When  a  man  insists  upon  being  a  social 
leader  his  conduct  must  justify  it.  He  is  not 
required  to  insist  upon  being  a  social  leader, 
but  if  he  does,  he  must  justify  it.  A  man  is 
not  required  to  be  a  political  leader,  but 
when  he  insists  that  he  is,  the  people  have  a 
right  to  assume  that  he  is  mentally  and 
morally  honest.  When  an  admitted  social 
leader  is  found  to  be  corrupt,  he  has  exer- 
cised a  privilege  but  violated  a  duty.  He 
has  placed  himself  where  he  must  take  the 
fruits  of  one  or  the  other,  and  cannot  claim 
both. 

There  seems  to  be  no  public  discussion 
which  is  not  colored  at  some  point  by  refer- 
ence to  the  acquiring,  management,  and 
transmission  of  private  fortunes.  This  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at.  Why  discuss  it,  how- 
ever, as  if  it  were  a  discovery? 

To  look  into  a  mirror  may  be  indicative  of 
vanity,  and  if  practiced  too  often  may  result 
in  vanity.  To  look  into  the  same  glass  to 
discover  whether  one's  face  is  soiled  so  that 
the  soil  may  be  removed  with  a  view  to  being 
more  presentable  to  others  in  the  ordinary 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  251 

associations  of  life  is  commendable.  In 
neither  case  does  it  hurt  the  glass.  It  is 
about  time  for  some  of  our  distinguished 
citizens  to  sit  before  the  mirror  for  a  while. 
It  would  not  do  the  American  people  at  this 
time  any  harm,  in  the  general  mix-up,  to  get 
before  a  national  mirror  and  look  at  them- 
selves. 

It  may  seem  to  be  a  startling  innovation 
to  pen  a  volume  on  the  subject  of  politics, 
necessarily  referring  to  things  which  are  and 
ought  not  to  be,  without  prescribing  a  rem- 
edy. There  is  a  certain  degree  of  egotism  in 
asserting  that  a  particular  method  of  pro- 
cedure will  right  a  wrong.  There  is  effront- 
ery in  insisting  that  only  that  particular 
method  will  right  a  particular  wrong.  Men 
become  so  exhausted  in  describing  evils  that 
they  are  sometimes  out  of  breath  when  they 
endeavor  to  tell  how  they  may  be  remedied. 
It  is  possible  to  exert  oneself  so  fully  to  win 
a  race  that  when  across  the  line  the  contest- 
ant may  not  have  strength  enough  to  receive 
the  prize. 

There  is  only  one  prescription  that  the 
writer  would  offer  the  Americai]  people  at 
this  time,  and  that  is  to  stop  long  enough  to 
catch  breath,  reflect  and  look  at  themselves 
in    the    mirror    of    their    own    absolute    con 


252        COMMON  SENSE  IN  POLITICS 

sciences,  instead  of  the  reflected  light  of 
what  they  claim  they  are. 

Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  in  this  country 
men  are  given  the  legal  freedom  to  commit 
crime,  if  they  are  willing  to  take  the  chance 
of  bearing  the  punishment  of  imprisonment. 
Men  who  are  known  to  have,  and  who  do  not 
claim  not  to  have  a  lack  of  moral  principle, 
can  be  guarded  against.  They  differentiate 
themselves,  and  they  are  satisfied  with  the 
rewards  that  come  from  their  particular  line 
of  activities.  They  are  not  guilty  of  decep- 
tion in  the  first  instance.  They  are  not  hypo- 
crites. The  man  who  seeks  individual  ad- 
vantage to  the  detriment  of  the  public,  with- 
out claiming  he  is  not  doing  so,  is  not  a 
phenomenon  peculiar  to  political  life  any 
more  than  physical  disease  is  to  the  body. 
These  men  can  be  taken  care  of  by  the  remedy 
of  indictment  and  conviction. 

This  volume  concludes  with  the  proposi- 
tion with  which  it  started:  that  the  corrod- 
ing evil  in  American  political  life  is  hypoc- 
risy, and  not  larceny.  That  hypocrisy  finds 
its  inception  as  much  in  ordinary,  plain,  vul- 
gar vanity  and  mental  selfishness  as  it  does 
in  any  other  inducing  cause. 

A  reasonable  sense  of  humor  is  a  Provi- 
dential   dispensation.     If    men    who    have 


A  FINAL  REFLECTION  253 

lost  their  sense  of  perspective  to  such  a  de- 
gree that  they  become  hypocrites  by  practice 
as  well  as  by  instinct  were  now  and  then 
laughed  at,  as  well  as  maligned,  it  would 
have  a  tendency  to  reduce  their  false  pride 
and  selfishness  to  a  more  normal  level. 

"  If  the  devil  ever  laughs,  it  must  be  at 
hypocrites;  they  are  the  greatest  dupes  he 
has;  they  serve  him  better  than  any  others, 
and  receive  no  wages;  nay,  what  is  still  more 
extraordinary,  they  submit  to  greater  morti- 
fication to  go  to  hell  than  the  sincerest  Chris- 
tian to  go  to  heaven." 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

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